This study sought to establish the critical underpinnings for the organisational effectiveness of regional integration institutions (RIIs). The interest arose out of a general observation of failure by RIIs in Africa to effectively achieve the objectives for which they were established. Informed by theories of organisational effectiveness, the study hypothesised that RIIs are likely to be effective in achieving the objectives for which they were established if the basic fundamentals of organisational effectiveness theory are embedded in their institutional structures, systems and processes. The East African Community (EAC) was used as a unit of analysis. A comparative analysis of the world's most advanced RII, the European Union (EU) was also undertaken. The findings revealed that the basic fundamentals of organisational effectiveness theory are only weakly ingrained in the EAC while deeply embedded in the EU. Recommendations were made on how the EAC could improve its organisational effectiveness. / PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION / MA (PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION)

This study sought to establish the critical underpinnings for the organisational effectiveness of regional integration institutions (RIIs). The interest arose out of a general observation of failure by RIIs in Africa to effectively achieve the objectives for which they were established. Informed by theories of organisational effectiveness, the study hypothesised that RIIs are likely to be effective in achieving the objectives for which they were established if the basic fundamentals of organisational effectiveness theory are embedded in their institutional structures, systems and processes. The East African Community (EAC) was used as a unit of analysis. A comparative analysis of the world's most advanced RII, the European Union (EU) was also undertaken. The findings revealed that the basic fundamentals of organisational effectiveness theory are only weakly ingrained in the EAC while deeply embedded in the EU. Recommendations were made on how the EAC could improve its organisational effectiveness. / PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION / MA (PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION)

Regional integration gained popularity and is prioritised globally, especially in developing economies, including those on the African continent. This is based on its potential to accelerate trade, stimulate economic growth, and increase access to basic necessities and to induce a sustainable increase in economic output and improved standards of living. Regional integration in the context of developing economies is entirely implicit. Modern literature observes it as a policy option for dealing with a wide variety of issues related to politics, economic factors, and societal welfare. The SACU, existing since 1910, made several trade agreements globally. The union aims at reducing inequalities, ensuring continuous improvement in the general welfare of the population, and sustainable economic growth. Research, though, indicates that the region persistently reflects poor socio-economic conditions. This is accompanied by limited development in infrastructure, lowly skilled and experienced workforce. Primary sector activities dominate their economies, such as mining and agriculture, high levels of inequalities and poverty. Regional integration was implemented differently in several countries globally, and Africa in particular. The research noted that literature on regional integration and its implications on socio-economic development lacks, especially in the context of SACU. A deficiency was also emphasised the universal measurement of regional integration, which is not standardised. Some research employed single variables as a proxy, whilst some composite indices were also compiled and implemented, suiting the diverse setups and environments. The development measurements, therefore, cannot universally be applied attributable to context-specific concerns, prevalent in regions or countries. This study developed the SACU Regional Integration Index (SRII) because the existing indices on regional integration are limited concerning applicability. Most of the indices established in the literature were developed for specific countries and regions with diverse characteristics from those of the SACU region. In addition to a detailed literature review and closing methodological divergencies, this study evaluated the effects of regional integration on socio-economic development in the SACU countries. The objectives of the study were first, to produce the SACU Regional Integration Index. Second, the study aimed at evaluating the effect of regional integration on various socio-economic development factors listed as economic growth, investments, and the Human Development Index (HDI), inequalities and poverty. Third, the study provided policy recommendations to the socio-economic problems encountered by the SACU countries; and lastly, to implement the proposed SRII as a way of providing policymakers with the actual impacts. The study employed the principal component analysis (PCA) to construct the SRII. The Ordinary Least Squares (LSDV), fixed effects and random effects were employed to ascertain the effect of regional integration on socio-economic development in the SACU countries. The constructed SACU index comprises four dimensions. These are trade integration; productive integration; infrastructure integration; and financial and macroeconomic policies integration. The index revealed that SACU countries are dominated by trade and productive integration. Further analysis of the results indicated that collaboration on the financial and macroeconomic policies is lacking and the infrastructure dimension is lagging in the SACU region. Based on the second objective, the results indicate that regional integration is critical in improving trade openness and HDI, especially in Lesotho, Botswana, and Namibia. The effect of regional integration on real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth, inequalities, and poverty reduction was realised in the long run through the interaction of all variables under study. This supported the dynamic effects posited by the dynamic theory of regional integration. It was established that growth, though, in infrastructure is insignificant compared to other dimensions of regional integration. This explains why regional integration was unsupportive concerning stimulating investments in all the economies forming the SACU region. The third objective was to proffer policy recommendations. Several practical policy recommendations emerged from this study, based on the literature findings and review. These recommendations include implementing inclusive development programmes, promotion private sector participation in economic activities, and policies, to boost production capacity in the countries in this region. Based on the fourth objective, this study further recommends SACU as a region, to integrate into the global economy. This can be conducted by participating in global production networks for manufacturing and taking advantage of emerging economies. This would diversify their export markets and their sources of finance development. SACU countries should make regional integration and trade a part of their national and sectoral development plans, ensuring coherent trade and industrial policies. They should also improve their labour, education, social protection, and safety nets. With data availability, this research can be extended to incorporate quarterly data or more years of study. Time-series methods can be applied, such as the Autoregressive Distributive Lag (ARDL) method. This will increase the sample size and the number of observations, which can improve the outcome from the statistical and econometric analysis. Future studies may also evaluate the applicability of the index constructed in this study. / Economics / D. Phil. (Economics)

In a democracy it is the citizens who choose their leaders. Through elections, the people constitute government to preside over public affairs. However, in several African countries the quality of the elections has been vitiated by fraud, incompetence, unequal playing field and violence. Part of the problem is historical. Within the first decade of attaining independence in the 1950s and 1960s, many African regimes rapidly descended into autocracy and many countries formally recognised one-party regimes. Despite many one-party regimes having been abolished after the democratisation wave of the late 1980s and early 1990s, challenges of holding free and fair elections persist. Several elections held since this democratic wave were generally not considered by independent observers as free and fair. Indeed Africa has become well known for flawed elections, such as was the case in the 2007 elections in Kenya, the 2008 elections in Zimbabwe and the 2010 elections in Ivory Coast. Due to the stifled democratic climate, where even elections had a predetermined outcome, coups became a common and regular method of showing discontent or removing government. While the phenomenon of problematic elections is going on, at the continental level, Africa seems to be making renewed commitment towards democratic governance. With the transformation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) through the adoption of the Constitutive Act of the African Union in 2000, the AU, inter alia, committed to promoting “democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance” and seems determined to depart from the legacy of poor governance. It is in view of the foregoing background that this research sought to investigate the challenges the judiciary in Africa has faced in adjudicating presidential election disputes. And, in light of the growing trend towards establishing common African democratic standards and seeking collective solutions, the research also sought to explore the viability of establishing a continental supranational mechanism for resolving disputed presidential elections through adjudication. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LLD

本論文的研究動機始於有感民族陣線在當今法國政壇的影響力不容小覷，「勒班效應」也使得1980年代中期後極右主義的風潮在西歐蔓延開來，因此吾人在研究歐洲整合的過程時，似應考慮到會員國國內這些反歐洲化的政治現象的發展。然而，主流的國際關係理論認為國際體系構成單位的層次分析並不重要。雖然國際關係體系論的建立被視為是本學門邁向「科學化」的重要嘗試，惟其亦使得學者在研究區域整合時面臨了見林不見樹的困境，本文的研究目的也就在試圖證明會員國國內政治不能被歐洲整合研究所忽視。 本論文以法國極右主義與歐盟移民政策之關聯為例，透過二重賽局的分析架構進行實證研究，研究結果顯示法國右派政府為了爭取極右派選民的票源而吸納民族陣線的反移民訴求，不僅反映在該國自1980年代中期以降的移民政策對非歐盟國家移民的趨於排斥，亦顯現於法國政府在歐盟移民政策共同體化之前與其他會員國協調移民政策時的保守立場。本研究指出，法國極右派在國內層次的影響能夠經由政府的利益匯集過程而到達歐盟層次，從而說明學者不宜貿然分割國內與國際政治研究。另一方面，案例亦顯示政府領袖的偏好在形成後仍有可能發生轉變，因此做為跨層次分析工具的二重賽局尚有修正其架構的必要性，如何發展有效連結國內政治與國際關係的理論途徑與分析架構，對於區域研究學者實屬緊要。

The emergence of regional security organisations during the 1990s in Africa proved to be of great significance for the lives of many Africans, including those living in conflict-torn countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Côte d’Ivoire or the Democratic Republic of Congo, but, at the same time, this phenomenon has been understudied. This dissertation explores why regional security organisations with an agenda of democratic governance emerged in Africa in the 1990s. This question is answered with two in-depth case studies on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Driven by an empirical puzzle, this study is both hypothesis-testing and hypothesis generating. The study starts by laying out the different possible factors put forward by several bodies of theory in international relations to explain the emergence of ECOWAS and SADC as security organisations. These hypotheses are then tested throughout the history and the evolution of ECOWAS and SADC in order to highlight the circumstances of their creation and their qualified failure as economic communities. This is followed by a comparative analysis of the security and democracy mandates entrusted to ECOWAS and SADC by its member states based on the study of the legal texts that outline the specific objectives of each regional security organisation and the tools they were given to implement their mandates. The study finally analyses the implementation records of ECOWAS and SADC in order to assess the commitment of their member states to their new democracy and security mandate. The research concludes with the two following hypotheses: 1) A security agenda cannot emerge without the involvement of the regional hegemon. 2) What the regional hegemon can do, including affecting the speed of the transformation, is constrained by the acceptance of its leadership by its neighbours (legitimacy) and by state weakness (capability).

De manière générale, ma thèse examine les mécanismes des processus sociaux, économiques et politiques ayant contribué, souvent de manière contradictoire, à la (re)définition des critères d’adhésion au sein de la nation et de l’Etat. Elle le fait par le dialogue au sein de deux grands corps de littérature intimement liés, la citoyenneté et le transnationalisme, qui se sont penchés sur les questions d’appartenance, d’exclusion, de mobilité et d’accès aux droits chez les migrants transnationaux tout en soulignant la capacité accrue de l’Etat à réguler à la fois les déplacements de personnes et l’accès des migrants aux droits. Cette thèse remet en question trois principes qui influencent la recherche et les programmes d’action publique ayant trait au transnationalisme et à la citoyenneté des migrants, et remet en cause les approches analytiques hégémoniques et méthodologiques qui les sous-tendent. L’étude a été menée à deux niveaux distincts d’analyse empirique et analytique. D’une part, nous examinons les « technologies de la citoyenneté » (Ong 2003, Fujiwara 2008) qui ont été développées par le gouvernement pour transformer l’Argentine en une nation latino-américaine diverse et inclusive pendant la dernière décennie, en nous intéressant particulièrement à la création, par le Kirchnerisme, d’une « nouvelle légalité » pour les Paraguayens, les Boliviens et les Péruviens résidant dans le pays. D’autre part, nous analysons la « dimension horizontale des processus de citoyenneté » (Neveu 2005, Pickus and Skerry 2007, Gagné and Neveu 2009) chez ces migrants dans des aires urbaines, périphériques et rurales du partido de La Plata. Plus spécifiquement, nous examinons dans quelle mesure les conditions socioéconomiques des migrants ont changé suite à leur nouveau statut légal (en tant que ressortissants du MERCOSUR en Argentine, dont les droits sont égaux à ceux des citoyens) et aux politiques de « citoyenneté inclusive » déployées par le gouvernement. Cette thèse se penche particulièrement sur les fondations et l’incarnation (« embodiment ») des droits en examinant comment le nouveau statut légal des migrants se manifeste au quotidien en fonction de a) où ils vivent et travaillent, et b) leur statut social perçu par les autres migrants et non-migrants. D’une part, nous examinons les aires urbaines, périphériques et rurales de La Plata en tant que « zones de souveraineté graduée » (Ong 1999), où des régimes de gouvernementalité locaux spécifiques se sont développés en lien avec l’installation de groupes ethniques souvent distincts, et dont les droits et devoirs diffèrent de ceux d’autres zones. D’autre part, nous étudions la façon dont le statut social est produit à travers les interactions sociales quotidiennes en transposant des distinctions construites socialement telles que race, classe, genre et origine nationale, en systèmes d’exclusion formels (Gregory 2007). Notre analyse ethnographique de ce que nous appelons les « expériences de légalité » des migrants démontre que leur égalité formelle vis-à-vis des Argentins, loin d’être simplement donnée comme un nouveau statut légal uniformément garanti pour tous, est à la fois inégalement vécue par les divers migrants, et différemment respectée dans les zones géographiques dirigées par divers régimes de gouvernementalité (Foucault 1978). / Broadly speaking, my thesis examines the workings of grounded social, economic and political processes that have contributed, often in a conflicting manner, to the (re)definition of membership criteria in both the nation and the state. It does so in dialogue with two broad, interrelated bodies of literature, those on citizenship and transnationalism, which have examined issues of belonging, exclusion, mobility and access to rights among transnational migrants, while highlighting the renewed capacity of the state to regulate both people’s movements and migrants’ actual access to public entitlements. My dissertation challenges three sets of claims shaping research and policy agendas on migrant transnationalism and citizenship, and questions the hegemonic analytical and methodological approaches underlying them. My research has been carried out at two distinctive analytical and empirical levels. On the one hand, I examine the “technologies of citizenship” (Ong 2003, Fujiwara 2008) deployed by the government to transform Argentina into a diverse, inclusive and Latin American nation over the past decade, paying particular attention to Kirchnerismo’s creation of a “new legality” for the Paraguayans, Bolivians and Peruvians in the country. On the other hand, I analyze the “horizontal dimensions of citizenship processes” (Neveu 2005, Pickus and Skerry 2007, Gagné and Neveu 2009) among these migrants in urban, peripheral and rural areas of the partido of La Plata. Namely, I study the extent to which migrants’ socio-economic circumstances have changed in tandem with their new legal status (as nationals of the MERCOSUR in Argentina with rights equal to those of its citizens) and the “inclusive citizenship” policies deployed by the government. My dissertation pays particular attention to the grounding and embodiment of rights by examining how migrants’ new legal status translates into everyday life depending on a) where they live and work, and b) their perceived social status by other migrants and non-migrants. On the one hand, I look at urban, peripheral and rural areas of La Plata as zones of graduated sovereignty (Ong 1999) where particular governmentality regimes have emerged in tandem with the settlement of often ethnically marked groupings, whose entitlements and obligations differ from those in other zones. On the other hand, I examine how social status is produced through everyday social interaction by transposing socially constructed distinctions, such as race, class, gender and national origin, into formal systems of exclusion (Gregory 2007). My ethnographic analysis of what I shall call limítrofes’ experiences of legality demonstrates that their formal equality vis-à-vis Argentinians, far from being merely given as a new legal status evenly guaranteed to all, is both unequally experienced by diverse migrants and differently enforced in geographic areas governed by distinctive governmentality regimes (Foucault 1978).

Le contexte des relations commerciales internationales est marqué, depuis 1995, par une multiplication des processus de négociation et de renégociation des Accords Commerciaux aussi bien au niveau multilatéral, plurilatéral (y compris les arrangements régionaux) que bilatéral. La plupart des Accords Commerciaux Régionaux (ACR) en vigueur dans le monde sont les produits de processus de négociation qui mettent ensemble les pays de niveaux de développement différents.La présente étude identifie et analyse les facteurs qui influencent aussi bien le déroulement que l’issue des négociations des ACR dans un contexte asymétrique, entre les partenaires engagés dans des processus d’intégration régionale. Elle se concentre sur les conditions et les modalités dans lesquelles les acteurs du système interagissent pour produire des règles et des normes qui vont régir leurs relations commerciales. L’analyse place en son centre la question du pouvoir des acteurs et son utilisation dans un système politique. Plus précisément, elle vise à mettre en exergue les facteurs qui déterminent les rapports de pouvoir dans le système politique qu’est le processus de négociation et à analyser les mécanismes d’influence de ces facteurs sur le déroulement et l’issue du processus. L’étude conclu que les rapports de force dans la négociation d’un ACR au sein d’une configuration asymétrique, se déterminent et s’expliquent par un ensemble de facteurs d’ordre socio-anthropologiques, économiques, politique, géographiques et historiques. Ces facteurs peuvent être résumés par cinq concepts qui sont : la force, la dépendance, la cohérence, la stratégie et la tactique. Ils se déploient dans une dynamique et un environnement cryptés, impulsés par les puissances qui gouvernent les relations économiques et commerciales internationales, et ils sont promus par les institutions mises en place à cet effet. Enfin, les résultats de leur utilisation sur le pouvoir des acteurs sont imprévisibles à priori. / The context of international trade relations is marked since 1995 by a multiplication of the negotiation and renegotiation processes of trade agreements both at the multilateral, plurilateral (including regional arrangements) and bilateral levels. Most of Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) in force in the world are the products of negotiations that bring together countries of different levels of development.This study identifies and analyzes the factors that influence both the progress and the outcome of RTAs negotiations in an asymmetric context between partners involved in regional integration process. It focuses on the conditions and modalities in which the actors of the system interact to produce rules and standards that will govern their trade relations. The analysis places at its center the question of power and its use by the actors in a political system. Specifically, it aims to highlight the factors that determine the balance of power in the negotiation process seen as a political system, and to analyze the mechanisms of influence of these factors on the course and outcome of the process.The study conclude that the balance of power in the negotiation of an RTA in an asymmetrical configuration, is determined and can be explained by a set of factors from socio-anthropological, economic, political, geographical and historical order. These factors can be summarized by five concepts which are: strength, dependence, consistency, strategy and tactics. They unfold in a dynamic and encrypted environment-driven powers that govern international economic and trade relations, and they are promoted by the institutions established for this purpose. Finally, the results of their use on the power of actors are unpredictable a priori

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael Naves de Oliveira Santos.pdf: 447606 bytes, checksum: f7d60830585b537f8261a546a394ba3a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-29 / Mercosur, as regional integration process based on commercial arrangements and mercantile interests, search, against time, establish the purpose for which it was created - much more ambitious than a simple commercial arrangement - namely those reserved to the model common market which presupposes the customs union and trade policies marking with other countries, the free flow of manpower, among other features. However, this ripening depends especially social participation, so there is greater acceptance that national integration is proposed. In this sense, the participation of civil society, through organizations that make up the third sector is necessary to impose that the social question is best debated and discussed in the meetings and forums of MERCOSUR. Thus we find in the program MERCOSUR Social and Participatory gradual increase of attention given by the Brazilian government to greater social participation in the process of regional integration in MERCOSUR. Therefore, we analyze the program from the approach of social issues and regional integration, conceptualize and characterize civil society and the MERCOSUR, in order to contextualize the third sector in the process of regional integration through analysis and reflection on the program MERCOSUR Social and participatory. / O MERCOSUL, como processo de integração regional baseado em arranjos comerciais e interesses mercantis, busca, contra o tempo, estabelecer os propósitos para os quais foi criado muito mais ambiciosos que um simples arranjo comercial - , quais sejam aqueles reservados ao modelo mercado comum, que pressupõe, além da união aduaneira e balizamento de políticas comerciais com os demais países, o livre fluxo de mão-deobra, dentre outras características. Porém, o referido amadurecimento depende especialmente da participação social, para que haja maior aceitação nacional à integração que se propõe. Nesse sentido, a participação da sociedade civil, por meio das organizações que compõe o terceiro setor se impõe necessária para que a questão social seja mais bem debatida e discutida no âmbito das reuniões e fóruns do MERCOSUL. Assim, encontrou-se no programa MERCOSUL Social e Participativo o aumento gradativo da atenção dada pelo governo brasileiro à maior participação social no processo de integração regional do MERCOSUL. Portanto, faz-se um estudo do programa a partir da abordagem da questão social e da integração regional, conceituouse e caracterizou-se a sociedade civil e o MERCOSUL, para contextualizar o terceiro setor no processo de integração regional por meio da análise e reflexão sobre o programa MERCOSUL Social e Participativo.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elisio Benedito Jamine.pdf: 1887673 bytes, checksum: 569139184931bb3d6fcc968b91454d25 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-01-11 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This study addresses the current trend of new regional international blocks creation from the point of view of the experience of the Southern African Development Community Comunidade para o Desenvolvimento da África Austral (SADC). We intend to understand its historical development, politic-economics dynamics on the challenges and opportunities for continuous developing and consolidation of this regional block, within regional and continental context. We argue that the past of cooperation between region States and the emergence of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference Conferência de Coordenação para o Desenvolvimento da África Austral (SADCC) was largely in response to trends of South Africa political and economic domination based on its domestic and regional policy of apartheid and on the alliances inserted in the Cold War. While the SADC emerges as an economic-commercial approach than politics, in light of regional challenges and that of the new international order, whose answers are based on regional integration. The study aims to contribute to the understanding of the past and present cooperation and integration in Southern Africa. The approach includes the period from 1980 to 2008 / Este trabalho aborda a atual tendência à constituição de novos blocos de integração regional a partir do ponto de vista da experiência da Southern African Development Community Comunidade para o Desenvolvimento da África Austral (SADC). Busca-se compreender o seu desenvolvimento histórico, sua dinâmica político-econômica sobre os desafios e oportunidades para o contínuo desenvolvimento e consolidação deste bloco regional em seu contexto regional e continental. Argumenta-se que o passado da cooperação entre os Estados da região e a emergência em 1980 da Southern African Development Coordination Conference Conferência de Coordenação para o Desenvolvimento da África Austral (SADCC) foi em larga medida em resposta as tendências de dominação político-econômica sul-africana alicerçadas a sua política interna e regional baseada no apartheid e nas alianças inseridas no contexto da Guerra Fria. Enquanto que em 1992 a SADC emerge como uma vertente economicista-comercial que política, em função dos desafios regionais e da nova ordem internacional estabelecida no pós Guerra Fria e cujas respostas se baseiam na integração regional. O trabalho pretende contribuir na compreensão do passado e presente da cooperação e integração na África Austral. A abordagem compreende o período que vai de 1980 à 2008