Magister Legum - LLM

[pt] A presente dissertação tem por tema a constituição da Unasul sob a perspectiva da política externa brasileira e por objeto a análise dos mecanismos de coordenação político-administrativa das políticas domésticas do governo federal brasileiro que estão relacionadas com a consecução dos propósitos da Unasul. Os eixos de conflito no sistema internacional, no sistema nacional e na condução da política externa são relacionados na medida em que condicionam a integração regional sul-americana por meio da Unasul como objetivo de política pública. A abordagem adota a perspectiva do formulador de políticas públicas que, de um ponto de vista realista, identifica atores e interesses, avalia seus recursos de poder e as capacidades, em especial do Estado nacional brasileiro, mediante o uso de conceitos de análise e de implementação de políticas públicas, de ciência política, de relações internacionais, de economia, de geopolítica e de administração pública. O foco está na dimensão administrativa e em sua centralidade para o êxito da integração regional, pois há um hiato entre a prioridade presidencial conferida à integração sul-americana na política externa brasileira e o baixo perfil da coordenação das políticas públicas domésticas que dão suporte ao processo. Há uma agenda importante em curso e os procedimentos administrativos estão sendo aperfeiçoados, mas são ainda insuficientes para dar suporte ao projeto geopolítico de constituição de um polo de poder sul-americano. / [en] This dissertation is about the creation of UNASUR from the perspective of Brazilian foreign policy and analyses the mechanisms of political and administrative coordination of domestic policies of the Brazilian federal government that are related to the achievement of the purposes of UNASUR. The axes of conflict in the international system, in the national system and in the conduct of foreign policy are related as conditioning of South American regional integration through UNASUR as public policy objective. The approach adopts the perspective of the formulator of public policy that, from a realistic point of view, identifies actors and interests, evaluates its power resources and capabilities, in particular of the Brazilian state, through the use of concepts of analysis and implementation of public policy, political science, international relations, economics, geopolitical and public administration. The focus is on the administrative dimension and its centrality to the success of regional integration, because there is a gap between the presidential priority given to South American integration in Brazilian foreign policy and the low profile of coordinating domestic policies to support the process. There is an important agenda in progress and administrative procedures are being improved, but are still insufficient to support the geopolitical project of establishing a pole of South American power.

Esta dissertação contempla o estudo sobre a internacionalização do Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES) no contexto da política externa brasileira durante o Governo Lula. Dessa forma, o tema dessa pesquisa não poderia deixar de considerar a relevância de aspectos tradicionais da política externa brasileira no desenvolvimento desse trabalho. Assim, a pesquisa busca analisar o processo de internacionalização do BNDES no Governo Lula por meio do estudo de suas variáveis principais: o desenvolvimento nacional como vetor da política externa brasileira; a consolidação da América do Sul como prioridade da política externa no Governo Lula; e as mudanças na legislação de comércio exterior do Brasil que contribuíram para que o BNDES se internacionalizasse. O trabalho aborda o tema da internacionalização do BNDES como conseqüência de ações tomadas por governos anteriores ao recorte temporal desta pesquisa e que foram desenvolvidas no decorrer do Governo Lula. / This masters’s thesis addresses the study of the internationalization of Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES) in the context of the Brazilian foreign policy during the administration of President Lula. Thus, the subject of this investigation could not fail to consider the relevance of traditional aspects of Brazilian foreign policy in the development of this work. So, the research seeks to analyse the process of internationalization of BNDES in Lula's government through the study of its main variables: the national development as a vector of the Brazilian foreign policy; the consolidation of South America as a foreign policy priority in Lula's administration; and changes in Brazil's foreign trade laws that contributed to the internationalization of BNDES. The work also addresses the issue of internationalization of BNDES as consequence of actions taken by governments previous to the time frame of this research, and developed during Lula’s government.

Esta dissertação contempla o estudo sobre a internacionalização do Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES) no contexto da política externa brasileira durante o Governo Lula. Dessa forma, o tema dessa pesquisa não poderia deixar de considerar a relevância de aspectos tradicionais da política externa brasileira no desenvolvimento desse trabalho. Assim, a pesquisa busca analisar o processo de internacionalização do BNDES no Governo Lula por meio do estudo de suas variáveis principais: o desenvolvimento nacional como vetor da política externa brasileira; a consolidação da América do Sul como prioridade da política externa no Governo Lula; e as mudanças na legislação de comércio exterior do Brasil que contribuíram para que o BNDES se internacionalizasse. O trabalho aborda o tema da internacionalização do BNDES como conseqüência de ações tomadas por governos anteriores ao recorte temporal desta pesquisa e que foram desenvolvidas no decorrer do Governo Lula. / This masters’s thesis addresses the study of the internationalization of Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES) in the context of the Brazilian foreign policy during the administration of President Lula. Thus, the subject of this investigation could not fail to consider the relevance of traditional aspects of Brazilian foreign policy in the development of this work. So, the research seeks to analyse the process of internationalization of BNDES in Lula's government through the study of its main variables: the national development as a vector of the Brazilian foreign policy; the consolidation of South America as a foreign policy priority in Lula's administration; and changes in Brazil's foreign trade laws that contributed to the internationalization of BNDES. The work also addresses the issue of internationalization of BNDES as consequence of actions taken by governments previous to the time frame of this research, and developed during Lula’s government.

Esta dissertação resgata a tese de Ruy Mauro Marini sobre o subimperialismo brasileiro – formulada no interior da Teoria Marxista da Dependência – aplicando-a à análise da política de integração regional do governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, no contexto atual das relações interamericanas. Partindo dos nexos categoriais da tese sobre o subimperialismo, busca-se examinar criticamente o papel do Estado nas iniciativas de integração econômica como a ALCSA e a IIRSA, bem como a tendência expansionista das firmas de capital brasileiro na América do Sul, a partir da hipótese de uma reconfiguração territorial e da divisão regional do trabalho que atendem a interesses da burguesia brasileira integrada ao imperialismo dominante, bem como a seus sócios locais. Simultaneamente, discute-se a dinâmica de cooperação e conflito entre Brasil e EUA pelo controle do sistema regional de poder sul-americano, na qual em que pese existirem atritos, prevalece o objetivo comum de preservar, mediante a produção de consensos e o uso da coerção, o status quo capitalista nos países onde se desenvolvem as lutas antiimperialistas mais radicalizadas. Partindo dessa dupla dimensão, e valendo-se da correspondência diplomática coletada no Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty, bem como de dados econômicos obtidos de diferentes fontes, atualiza-se a tese de Marini para nossos dias, propondo elementos adicionais de operacionalização de suas categorias de análise. / The main goal of this work is to analyze the South America regional integration policy of President Lula’s government in Brazil. The analytical framework for this research was provided by an updated version of Ruy Mauro Marini’s subimperialism thesis and the Marxist Theory of Dependency. According to this conceptual framework, the current Brazilian foreign policies towards South America both reflect the current production forces level of development in this country and are actively trying to hammer out a new regional division of labor which mostly benefits the Brazilian bourgeoisie and the globally dominant imperialist forces. The close association between the Brazilian government and Brazilian firms and capitals operating abroad were uncovered through close examination of economic data (trade, financial and direct investments) in most South American countries, as well as confirmed by diplomatic evidence found out at the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Relations Historical Archives in Brasilia. As Brazil and United States of America struggle to control the South American regional system, the resulting conflict and cooperation dynamics between the two actors reinforces the true nature of Lula´s policies. Brazil does prefer consensual approaches while United States seem to rely upon a more explicit coercion policy, but that does not alter their common desire of avoiding the radical and antiimperialist agenda of several other governments in the region. In short, the economics and politics of Brazilian subimperialism in South America clearly show the vitality of Marini´s Marxist Theory of Dependency and remind us to not take thoughtlessly initiatives like the Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA).

In a democracy it is the citizens who choose their leaders. Through elections, the people constitute government to preside over public affairs. However, in several African countries the quality of the elections has been vitiated by fraud, incompetence, unequal playing field and violence. Part of the problem is historical. Within the first decade of attaining independence in the 1950s and 1960s, many African regimes rapidly descended into autocracy and many countries formally recognised one-party regimes. Despite many one-party regimes having been abolished after the democratisation wave of the late 1980s and early 1990s, challenges of holding free and fair elections persist. Several elections held since this democratic wave were generally not considered by independent observers as free and fair. Indeed Africa has become well known for flawed elections, such as was the case in the 2007 elections in Kenya, the 2008 elections in Zimbabwe and the 2010 elections in Ivory Coast. Due to the stifled democratic climate, where even elections had a predetermined outcome, coups became a common and regular method of showing discontent or removing government. While the phenomenon of problematic elections is going on, at the continental level, Africa seems to be making renewed commitment towards democratic governance. With the transformation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) through the adoption of the Constitutive Act of the African Union in 2000, the AU, inter alia, committed to promoting “democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance” and seems determined to depart from the legacy of poor governance. It is in view of the foregoing background that this research sought to investigate the challenges the judiciary in Africa has faced in adjudicating presidential election disputes. And, in light of the growing trend towards establishing common African democratic standards and seeking collective solutions, the research also sought to explore the viability of establishing a continental supranational mechanism for resolving disputed presidential elections through adjudication. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LL. D.

Si les travaux sur l’organisation territoriale et les découpages régionaux sont nombreux au Maroc, les études sur la mesure du degré des disparités socio-spatiales et les processus en cause dans la formation de ces disparités sont plus rares. Cette thèse serait une contribution à ces deux problématiques. Elle procède d’une part de la volonté d’expliciter et de mesurer la contribution des facteurs spatiaux et a-spatiaux à la dynamique des disparités inter-régionales au Maroc, et d’autre part, de tester l’hypothèse de convergence et de développement régional dans les régions périphériques. En tant que pays en développement, le Maroc connaît d’importantes disparités entre les seize régions qui composent son territoire. Ces disparités concernent à la fois la croissance démographique, les secteurs sociaux et la dynamique économique, et leur évolution est déterminée principalement par trois facteurs : l’urbanisation, les migrations et la localisation des activités. En effet, nos analyses montrent une concentration démographique et économique le long du littoral atlantique et des clivages entre la région centre et les régions périphériques d’une part et d’autre part entre les régions fortement urbanisées et les régions agricoles. Par ailleurs, cette recherche a fait apparaître qu’on ne pourrait freiner l’expansion de la métropole casablancaise, en étant le noyau dur de l’économie marocaine, qu’en offrant une alternative réelle pour la localisation des activités et des emplois dans les autres régions, et que celles-ci, ne pourraient le faire en comptant sur la seule aide de l’Etat. Elles devaient d’abord compter sur leurs propres forces, se mobiliser autour d’un projet. Et qu’il ne faudrait pas reproduire la tendance à la métropolisation du territoire marocain vers une poignée de métropole d’équilibre, au tour des capitales régionales comme le souhaitent certains responsables et spécialistes de l’aménagement du territoire. Mais, il fallait un développement socialement harmonieux et écologiquement durable, à chaque échelle du territoire. D’où la priorité urgente de développer le milieu rural, très longtemps marginalisé et en décalage avec la dynamique des villes. C’est un grand travail de rattrapage à faire. / If the works on the territorial organization and the regional divisions are many in Morocco, the studies on the measure of the degree of the socio-spatial disparities and the processes in cause in the formation of these disparities are rarer. This thesis would be a contribution to these two problems. She proceeds on one hand of the will to clarify and to measure the contribution of the spatial factors and has spatial in the dynamics of the inter-regional disparities in Morocco, and on the other hand, to test the hypothesis of convergence and regional development in the peripheral regions. As developing country, Morocco knows important disparities between sixteen regions which compose his territory. These disparities concern at the same moment the population growth, the social sectors and the economic dynamics, and their evolution is mainly determined by three factors : the urbanization, the migrations and the location of the activities. Indeed, our analyses show a demographic and economic concentration along the Atlantic coast and the splits enter the region centre and the peripheral regions on one hand and on the other hand between the strongly urbanized regions and the agricultural regions. Besides, this search created that we could not slow down the expansion of the Casablanca metropolis, by being the hard core of the Moroccan economy, that by offering a real alternative for the location of the activities and the jobs in the other regions, and that these, could not make him by counting on the only help of the State. They had to count at first on their own strengths, mobilize around a project. And that you would not should reproduce the tendency to the métropolisation of the Moroccan territory towards a handle of metropolis of balance, in the tour of capitals regional as wish it certain people in charge and specialists of the land settlement. But, was needed a socially harmonious and ecologically durable development, in every scale of the territory. Where from the urgent priority to develop the rural environment, very for a long time marginalized and in gap with the dynamics of cities. It is a big work of catching up to be made.

Ce travail entend d’aborder la construction du discours de la politique extérieure brésilienne, depuis les années 1990, à propos de l’intégration de l’Amérique du Sud. S’engageant dans la perspective des études concernant l’Analyse des Politiques Extérieures, tout en moyennant les notables contributions dans le champ de l’Analyse du Discours, la thèse accompagne le développement de la notion même d’intégration sud-américaine au long des gouvernements d’Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso et Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Pour ce faire, on présente d’abord un débat théorique relevant du statut du discours en matière de politique extérieure, suivi d’un bilan des liens historiques entretenus entre le Brésil et ses voisins de l’Amérique du Sud, à fin de mieux discerner les caractéristiques institutionnelles et les acteurs les plus importants impliqués dans le processus de construction du discours de la politique extérieure brésilienne en vue de l’intégration régionale. L’analyse se tourne ensuite vers ces aspects discursifs, particulièrement les déclarations des chanceliers et des présidents brésiliens, pour comprendre leurs conditions d’émergence et l’existence, ainsi que de vérifier les continuités et les ruptures dans le développement de ce “nouveau” concept de région. Le but de la recherche est enfin celui de soulever les éléments majeurs – soient-ils politiques, sociaux ou symboliques – appelés à donner forme à ce discours de la politique extérieure pour l’intégration de l’Amérique du Sud. / Esta tese aborda a construção do discurso da política externa brasileira acerca da integração da América do Sul, particularmente a partir da década de 1990. Através da perspectiva de estudos da Análise de Política Externa e com relevantes contribuições do campo da Análise do Discurso, este trabalho enfoca o desenvolvimento desta noção de integração sul-americana ao longo dos governos de Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Assim, a pesquisa apresenta uma discussão teórica acerca do estatuto do discurso na área de política externa, seguida por um levantamento do histórico de aproximação entre o Brasil e seus vizinhos da América do Sul. Com base nestes elementos, o trabalho examina as características institucionais e os principais agentes envolvidos no processo de construção do discurso da política externa brasileira para a integração regional. A seguir, a análise se volta para os aspectos discursivos, com ênfase nos pronunciamentos dos chanceleres e dos presidentes brasileiros, para compreender suas condições de emergência e existência, bem como verificar as continuidades e rupturas no desenvolvimento desta “nova” noção de região. O objetivo desta análise consiste em identificar os principais elementos políticos, sociais e simbólicos mobilizados na articulação deste discurso da política externa para a integração da América do Sul. / This thesis focuses on the construction of the Brazilian foreign policy discourse concerning the South America integration, particularly from the 1990s. Through the perspective of studies of Foreign Policy Analysis and relevant contributions of the Analysis of Discourse field, this work focuses on the development of this notion of South American integration throughout the governments of Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Thus, the study presents a theoretical discussion concerning the status of the discourse in foreign policy field, followed for a review of the historical rapprochement between Brazil and its neighbors in South America. On this basis, the work examines the institutional characteristics and the major agents involved in the construction processes of the discourse of Brazilian foreign policy towards regional integration. Then the analysis turns to the discursive aspects, with emphasis on pronouncements of chancellors and presidents of Brazil, to understand their conditions of emergence and existence, as well as verify the continuities and ruptures in the development of this “new” concept of region. The objective of this analysis consists in identifying the main political, social and symbolic elements mobilized in the articulation of this foreign policy discourse to the South America integration.

Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Este trabalho busca analisar a nova dinâmica do processo de integração no Mercosul, caracterizada pelo tratamento de temas sociais como direitos humanos, meio ambiente, saúde e educação, indicando o avanço de uma agenda social de integração que rompe com a tradição comercialista do bloco. O avanço de governos progressistas nos países membros contribuiu para essa nova lógica integradora, tendo estimulado também o aumento dos mecanismos de participação social, abrindo espaço para uma maior presença de atores sociais nas discussões relativas à integração. É objetivo da pesquisa avaliar qual é a efetiva influência desses novos atores no Mercosul, questionando-se a possível existência de uma esfera pública transnacional. Para chegar a uma resposta, o trabalho recorre a variáveis e conceitos como déficit democrático, transparência, representatividade e faz um estudo específico das características e dos meios de articulação de duas categorias sociais no bloco: as centrais sindicais e os empresários. / This work aims to analyze the new dynamic of the integration process in Mercosur, characterized by dealing with social issues such as human rights, environment, health and education, what indicates the progress of a social agenda of integration that surpasses the commercial tradition of the arrangement. The rise of left oriented governments in the members helped the settlement of that new integration logic, stimulating, as well, new mechanisms of social participation, opening room for a wider presence of social actors in the debates related to integration. This research aims to measure what is the effective influence of those new actors in Mercosur, arguing the possible existence of a transnational public sphere. To reach an answer, this work deals with variables and concepts like democratic deficit, transparence, representativeness and specifically studies the characteristics and means of articulation of two social categories of the arrangement: trade union federations and businessmen.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-01-11Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:55:03Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 jamine_dm_me_mar.pdf: 899827 bytes, checksum: 7804af58b43d40b8fd0cfd06acf12806 (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Este trabalho aborda a atual tendência à constituição de novos blocos de integração regional a partir do ponto de vista da experiência da Southern African Development Community “Comunidade para o Desenvolvimento da África Austral” (SADC). Busca-se compreender o seu desenvolvimento histórico, sua dinâmica político-econômica sobre os desafios e oportunidades para o contínuo desenvolvimento e consolidação deste bloco regional em seu contexto regional e continental. Argumenta-se que o passado da cooperação entre os Estados da região e a emergência em 1980 da Southern African Development Coordination Conference “Conferência de Coordenação para o Desenvolvimento da África Austral” (SADCC) foi em larga medida em resposta as tendências de dominação político-econômica sul-africana alicerçadas a sua política interna e regional baseada no apartheid e nas alianças inseridas no contexto da Guerra Fria. Enquanto que em 1992 a SADC emerge como uma vertente economicista-comercial que política, em função dos desafios regionais e da nova ordem internacional estabelecida no pós Guerra Fria e cujas respostas se baseiam na integração regional. O trabalho pretende contribuir na compreensão do passado e presente da cooperação e integração na África Austral. A abordagem compreende o período que vai de 1980 à 2008 / This study addresses the current trend of new regional international blocks creation from the point of view of the experience of the Southern African Development Community “Comunidade para o Desenvolvimento da África Austral” (SADC). We intend to understand its historical development, politic-economics dynamics on the challenges and opportunities for continuous developing and consolidation of this regional block, within regional and continental context. We argue that the past of cooperation between region States and the emergence of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference “Conferência de Coordenação para o Desenvolvimento da África Austral” (SADCC) was largely in response to trends of South Africa’ political and economic domination based on its domestic and regional policy of apartheid and on the alliances inserted in the Cold War. While the SADC emerges as an economiccommercial approach than politics, in light of regional challenges and that of the new international order, whose answers are based on regional integration. The study aims to contribute to the understanding of the past and present cooperation and integration in Southern Africa. The approach includes the period from 1980 to 2008