Le fonctionnement du morphème polyfonctionnel d= en syriaque des Évangiles de la Peshiṭta est décrit morphosyn-taxiquement et dans une perspective typologique, en synchronie et par comparaison, pour certains points, avec d’autres versions et avec d’autres langues sémitiques. Ancien démonstratif en proto-sémitique, d= est un relateur à plusieurs niveaux syntaxiques : support de détermination, marqueur des relations génitivales et relatives, introducteur de complétives et adverbiales. Un critère syntaxique distingue sémantiquement les syntagmes génitivaux aliénables et inaliénable même si cette distinction tend à s’estomper, à des degrés différents selon les catégories sémantiques d’inaliénables, termes de parentés et parties du corps. Si les structures syntaxiques sont semblables pour les relatives restrictives et les non-restrictives, il est impossible de relativiser ces dernières pour les relatives objet, dative et adjointe. La stratégie à trou syntaxique constitue la stratégie primaire dans la hiérarchie d’accessibilité, et toutes les fonctions de la tête dans la matrice, sauf l’objet de comparaison, sont relativisables.Les fonctions de complémenteur de d= sont plus larges qu’en sémitique ancien. d= s’emploie avec 12 des 14 types de prédicats de la classification typologique de Noonan au lieu de 3 en sémitique ancien. Le syriaque est conforme à la hiérarchie implicationnelle, Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. Le critère syntaxique de saturation de la valence verbale et des critères sémantiques et contextuels permettent de distinguer les adverbiales des complétives. Lorsque d= forme des locutions conjonctives avec des prépositions ou des adverbes, la polysémie des valeurs est désambigüisée grâce au contexte, à l’exception de la conjonction monosémique temporelle mo d=. Dans le discours rapporté, le discours Reproduit est majoritairement introduit sans d=, alors qu’il l’est avec d= pour le discours Reformulé. Le grec n’a eu aucune influence sur son utilisation. / The behaviour of the polyfunctional morpheme d= in the Syriac language of the Gospels of the Peshiṭta is described in a typological perspective, in synchrony and in comparison, for some properties, with other varieties of Syriac and with other Semitic languages. d=, a former demonstrative in Proto-Semitic, is a relator at various syntactic levels: a determination place-holder, a genitival and relative marker, an introducer of completive and adverbial clauses.Chapter 1 introduces the topic of the study and the theoretical framework and chapter 2 discusses the state of art.Chapter 3 is dedicated to the study of the genitive phrase. We discovered that a syntactic criterion allows to distinguish semantically between alienable and inalienable phrases, to different degrees according to the semantic categories of the inalienable set, i.e. kinship and body part terms.In chapter 4, we showed that even though syntactic structures are similar for restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses, it is impossible to relativize the latter for object, dative and adjoint relatives clauses. The syntactic gap strategy constitutes the primary strategy in the accessibility hierarchy and all the functions of the head in the main clause, except the object of comparison, are relativizable.Chapter 5 deals with the functions of d= as a complementizer and an introducer of adverbial clauses. The complementizer uses are wider than in Old Semitic. d= is employed with 12 of the 14 types of predicates of Noonan's typological classification as against 3 in Old Semitic. Syriac conforms to the implicational hierarchy named Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. For adverbial clauses, the syntactic criterion of saturation of the verbal valency as well as semantic and contextual criteria permit to distinguish adverbial clauses from complement clauses. When d= forms conjunctive locutions with prepositions or adverbs, the polysemy of values is disambiguated thanks to the context. Only the conjunction mo d= is monosemous (with a temporal meaning).In the last chapter (chap. 6) on reported speech, we showed that direct reported speech is mostly introduced without d=, whereas it is always the case for indirect speech. Greek did not have any influence on the use of d=. / Il funzionamento del morfema polifunzionale d= del siriaco nei Vangeli della Peshiṭta è descritto in una prospettiva tipologica, in sincronia e attraverso la comparazione, in alcuni punti, con altre versioni e con altre lingue semitiche. Tale morfema deriva dal pronome dimostrativo proto-semitico *ḏV e funge da relatore in diversi livelli sintattici: supporto di determinazione, indicatore delle relazioni genitivali e relative, introduttore delle proposizioni completive e avverbiali. Il capitolo 1 introduce la problematica della ricerca e dell’ambito teorico; il capitolo 2 presenta uno stato dell’arte sull’argomento.Il capitolo 3 è consacrato allo studio del sintagma genitivale. Un criterio sintattico ha permesso di distinguere semanticamente i sintagmi genitivali alienabili e inalienabili, anche se questa distinzione tende ad attenuarsi, in diversi punti, secondo le categorie semantiche d’inalienabile, termini di parentela e parti del corpo.Nel capitolo 4 abbiamo mostrato che, se da una parte le strutture sintattiche sono simili per le relative restrittive e le non-restrittive, dall’altra è impossibile relativizzare le ultime per le relative complemento oggetto, complemento di termine e complemento circostanziale. La strategia con gap sintattico è la strategia primaria nella gerarchia d’accessibilità e tutte le funzioni della testa nella proposizione matrice, tranne l’oggetto della comparazione, sono relativizzabili.Il capitolo 5 tratta le funzioni di d= come complementatore e introduttore di proposizioni avverbiali. Gli impieghi del complementatore sono più ampi rispetto al semitico più antico. Il morfema d= si impiega infatti per 12 dei 14 tipi di predicato della classificazione tipologica di Noonan invece dei 3 del semitico più antico. Il siriaco è conforme alla gerarchia implicativa, Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. Per le proposizioni avverbiali, il criterio sintattico di saturazione della valenza verbale e dei criteri semantici e contestuali permettono di distinguere le avverbiali dalle completive.Quando d= forma delle locuzioni congiuntive con delle preposizioni o degli avverbi, la polisemia dei valori è disambiguato grazie al contesto, fatta eccezione della congiunzione monosemica temporale mo d=Nell’ultimo capitolo, sul discorso indiretto, mostriamo che il discorso “riprodotto” è introdotto senza d= nella maggior parte dei casi, mentre si usa d= nel discorso “riformulato”. Il greco non ha alcuna influenza sul suo utilizzo.

The aim of this thesis is to compare the use of postmodifiers in an English source text and its Czech translation. 200 English postmodifiers are contrasted against their 200 Czech translation equivalents. These samples were excerpted from randomly chosen parts of four bilingual books written by British and American authors and translated by native speakers of Czech. 50 English samples and their translations were excerpted from each book. The 400 occurrences of postmodifiers and their equivalents are analyzed from a syntactico-semantic point of view, the aim being to determine the constancy of the syntactic functions of English postmodifiers in translation, as well as the constancy of their realization forms. The theoretical background part will present and compare postmodification and its realization forms in English and in Czech. The actual analysis of all 400 samples will examine both the frequency of individual postmodifier types in English, and the convergent and divergent realization forms of these in the Czech translation. Special heed will be paid to divergences arisen through different language facts, such as English non-finite verb forms or Czech case endings that enable nominal postmodification without a preposition. An attempt will be made to classify the non-postmodifying translation...

本文以兩個眼動閱讀實驗探討語意訊息 (semantic cues) 和句法訊息 (syntactic cues) 如何在中文關係子句的處理中運作及交互作用。實驗一旨在研究兩種動詞與論元之間的合理性關係 (plausibility) 是否會影響讀者理解不同結構的關係子句。結果顯示，當兩個論元都是合理施事者 (agent) 時，論旨角色的指派 (thematic roles) 有歧義，較難理解；而當只有一個論元是合理的施事者時，讀者趨向指派正確的論旨角色，且較快整合句法上的困難。此外，因中文句法結構特殊，讀者在關係詞之前就處理主語關係子句 (subject relative clauses) 的歧義，在主要動詞上則會遇到賓語關係子句 (object relative clauses) 的理解困難。此發現解決了Hsiao & Gibson (2003) 和 Lin (2006) 的歧見，證明中文讀者在不同位置會遇到不一樣的困難。實驗二所關注的語意訊息為論元的生命性 (animacy)，關係子句中的兩個論元分屬有生命的 (animate) 及無生命的 (inanimate) 名詞。結果發現論旨角色的指派和生命性相互關聯，有生命性的論元較傾向當施事者，而無生命的論元傾向當受事者。讀者仍在關係詞之前遇到主語關係子句的理解困難，但在主要動詞，讀者主要依循生命性的引導來指派論旨角色，句法訊息的影響並不顯著。因此語意訊息在中文的語句處理扮演重要的角色，結果大致上與Traxler (2002)的研究相符。讀者同時受到當下的句法訊息以及語意訊息影響，在不同的位置會遇到不一樣的歧義性，而產生花園路徑效果 (garden-path effect)。 / Two eye movement experiments were conducted to investigate how semantic cues and syntactic structural cues function and interact in Mandarin Chinese relative clause (RC) processing. Mandarin Chinese is unique in combining head-final RCs with a VO basic order (Dryer, 1992, 2003) and also in relying solely on word order as structural cues, without case marking or agreement. However, Mandarin Chinese still preserves flexibility in word order that is motivated by pragmatics. Semantic cues, including the plausibility of the argument-verb relation and argument animacy within RCs, may be crucial to sentence processing in Mandarin Chinese. Experiment 1 aims to examine whether the meaning of the verb allowing only one of the two animate arguments to be a plausible agent may lead to reduction of ORC difficulty (cf. Traxler, 2002). The results showed that the plausibility effects were robust at the head noun and the main verb. A bias of thematic role assignment in the irreversible relation leads readers to correct interpretations, while the reversible relation does not elicit such a bias. The results also solved the discrepancy between the two previous studies (Hsiao and Gibson, 2003 & Lin, 2006) by unveiling a dynamic process in which readers encounter diverse ambiguities at different positions for different structures. Chinese readers disambiguate SRCs earlier due to their non-canonical word order and have trouble integrating the main verb in ORCs owing to perspective shifting. The interaction between plausibility and RC type on re-reading rate suggested that plausibility cues were used to solve syntactic ambiguity. Experiment 2 manipulated contrastive argument animacy in order to investigate whether thematic role assignment correlates with animacy. The results confirmed the hypothesis that while animate entities bias towards agent roles, inanimate ones incline towards patient roles (c.f., Valin & LaPolla, 1997). Besides, inanimate entities are conceptually less accessible than animate ones. Contrastive animacy shows its impact on syntactic processing with robust interactions at different positions. The findings of interactions between semantic cues and RC types in two experiments suggest that semantic cues play an important role in Chinese relative clause processing. Semantic plausibility and argument animacy can influence the process of thematic role assignment. The semantic cues that accord with the biases of thematic role assignment then would ease the syntactic ambiguities. Not only syntactic cues but also semantic cues are utilized by readers in sentence comprehension. In this thesis, the eye movement data provide clear evidence indicating that readers solve various temporary ambiguities syntactically and semantically at different positions of the sentence with relative clauses.

<p>The aim of this degree project has been to examine, analyze and describe which intra-linguistic factors influence how relative clauses are formed in Old English.</p><p>The key to successfully performing the task of identifying which factors influences the relative causes is to examine how these factors are distributed among the relative clauses in the text. The main focus of this investigation thus was to investigate how the grammatical features of the antecedents of the relative clauses in Old English were distributed. By analyzing a text sample of the work of the Old English writer Ælfric, taken from the Dictionary of Old English Corpus at the University of Toronto, also known as the Toronto Corpus, several features of the antecedent will ideally become evident as influencing factors.</p><p>The relative clauses that are found to be relevant for this investigation in the Ælfric text sample have been categorized and analyzed in order to identify any grammatical pattern that could indicate which factors influence how relative clauses in Old English are formed. The findings have been analyzed according to quantitative and statistical principles, and the chi-square test has been employed to verify the statistical significance of these findings. By doing this some linguistic factors have been verified as influencing factors.</p>

The aim of this degree project has been to examine, analyze and describe which intra-linguistic factors influence how relative clauses are formed in Old English. The key to successfully performing the task of identifying which factors influences the relative causes is to examine how these factors are distributed among the relative clauses in the text. The main focus of this investigation thus was to investigate how the grammatical features of the antecedents of the relative clauses in Old English were distributed. By analyzing a text sample of the work of the Old English writer Ælfric, taken from the Dictionary of Old English Corpus at the University of Toronto, also known as the Toronto Corpus, several features of the antecedent will ideally become evident as influencing factors. The relative clauses that are found to be relevant for this investigation in the Ælfric text sample have been categorized and analyzed in order to identify any grammatical pattern that could indicate which factors influence how relative clauses in Old English are formed. The findings have been analyzed according to quantitative and statistical principles, and the chi-square test has been employed to verify the statistical significance of these findings. By doing this some linguistic factors have been verified as influencing factors.

Le fonctionnement du morphème polyfonctionnel d= en syriaque des Évangiles de la Peshiṭta est décrit morphosyn-taxiquement et dans une perspective typologique, en synchronie et par comparaison, pour certains points, avec d’autres versions et avec d’autres langues sémitiques. Ancien démonstratif en proto-sémitique, d= est un relateur à plusieurs niveaux syntaxiques : support de détermination, marqueur des relations génitivales et relatives, introducteur de complétives et adverbiales. Un critère syntaxique distingue sémantiquement les syntagmes génitivaux aliénables et inaliénable même si cette distinction tend à s’estomper, à des degrés différents selon les catégories sémantiques d’inaliénables, termes de parentés et parties du corps. Si les structures syntaxiques sont semblables pour les relatives restrictives et les non-restrictives, il est impossible de relativiser ces dernières pour les relatives objet, dative et adjointe. La stratégie à trou syntaxique constitue la stratégie primaire dans la hiérarchie d’accessibilité, et toutes les fonctions de la tête dans la matrice, sauf l’objet de comparaison, sont relativisables.Les fonctions de complémenteur de d= sont plus larges qu’en sémitique ancien. d= s’emploie avec 12 des 14 types de prédicats de la classification typologique de Noonan au lieu de 3 en sémitique ancien. Le syriaque est conforme à la hiérarchie implicationnelle, Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. Le critère syntaxique de saturation de la valence verbale et des critères sémantiques et contextuels permettent de distinguer les adverbiales des complétives. Lorsque d= forme des locutions conjonctives avec des prépositions ou des adverbes, la polysémie des valeurs est désambigüisée grâce au contexte, à l’exception de la conjonction monosémique temporelle mo d=. Dans le discours rapporté, le discours Reproduit est majoritairement introduit sans d=, alors qu’il l’est avec d= pour le discours Reformulé. Le grec n’a eu aucune influence sur son utilisation. / The behaviour of the polyfunctional morpheme d= in the Syriac language of the Gospels of the Peshiṭta is described in a typological perspective, in synchrony and in comparison, for some properties, with other varieties of Syriac and with other Semitic languages. d=, a former demonstrative in Proto-Semitic, is a relator at various syntactic levels: a determination place-holder, a genitival and relative marker, an introducer of completive and adverbial clauses.Chapter 1 introduces the topic of the study and the theoretical framework and chapter 2 discusses the state of art.Chapter 3 is dedicated to the study of the genitive phrase. We discovered that a syntactic criterion allows to distinguish semantically between alienable and inalienable phrases, to different degrees according to the semantic categories of the inalienable set, i.e. kinship and body part terms.In chapter 4, we showed that even though syntactic structures are similar for restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses, it is impossible to relativize the latter for object, dative and adjoint relatives clauses. The syntactic gap strategy constitutes the primary strategy in the accessibility hierarchy and all the functions of the head in the main clause, except the object of comparison, are relativizable.Chapter 5 deals with the functions of d= as a complementizer and an introducer of adverbial clauses. The complementizer uses are wider than in Old Semitic. d= is employed with 12 of the 14 types of predicates of Noonan's typological classification as against 3 in Old Semitic. Syriac conforms to the implicational hierarchy named Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. For adverbial clauses, the syntactic criterion of saturation of the verbal valency as well as semantic and contextual criteria permit to distinguish adverbial clauses from complement clauses. When d= forms conjunctive locutions with prepositions or adverbs, the polysemy of values is disambiguated thanks to the context. Only the conjunction mo d= is monosemous (with a temporal meaning).In the last chapter (chap. 6) on reported speech, we showed that direct reported speech is mostly introduced without d=, whereas it is always the case for indirect speech. Greek did not have any influence on the use of d=. / Il funzionamento del morfema polifunzionale d= del siriaco nei Vangeli della Peshiṭta è descritto in una prospettiva tipologica, in sincronia e attraverso la comparazione, in alcuni punti, con altre versioni e con altre lingue semitiche. Tale morfema deriva dal pronome dimostrativo proto-semitico *ḏV e funge da relatore in diversi livelli sintattici: supporto di determinazione, indicatore delle relazioni genitivali e relative, introduttore delle proposizioni completive e avverbiali. Il capitolo 1 introduce la problematica della ricerca e dell’ambito teorico; il capitolo 2 presenta uno stato dell’arte sull’argomento.Il capitolo 3 è consacrato allo studio del sintagma genitivale. Un criterio sintattico ha permesso di distinguere semanticamente i sintagmi genitivali alienabili e inalienabili, anche se questa distinzione tende ad attenuarsi, in diversi punti, secondo le categorie semantiche d’inalienabile, termini di parentela e parti del corpo.Nel capitolo 4 abbiamo mostrato che, se da una parte le strutture sintattiche sono simili per le relative restrittive e le non-restrittive, dall’altra è impossibile relativizzare le ultime per le relative complemento oggetto, complemento di termine e complemento circostanziale. La strategia con gap sintattico è la strategia primaria nella gerarchia d’accessibilità e tutte le funzioni della testa nella proposizione matrice, tranne l’oggetto della comparazione, sono relativizzabili.Il capitolo 5 tratta le funzioni di d= come complementatore e introduttore di proposizioni avverbiali. Gli impieghi del complementatore sono più ampi rispetto al semitico più antico. Il morfema d= si impiega infatti per 12 dei 14 tipi di predicato della classificazione tipologica di Noonan invece dei 3 del semitico più antico. Il siriaco è conforme alla gerarchia implicativa, Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. Per le proposizioni avverbiali, il criterio sintattico di saturazione della valenza verbale e dei criteri semantici e contestuali permettono di distinguere le avverbiali dalle completive.Quando d= forma delle locuzioni congiuntive con delle preposizioni o degli avverbi, la polisemia dei valori è disambiguato grazie al contesto, fatta eccezione della congiunzione monosemica temporale mo d=Nell’ultimo capitolo, sul discorso indiretto, mostriamo che il discorso “riprodotto” è introdotto senza d= nella maggior parte dei casi, mentre si usa d= nel discorso “riformulato”. Il greco non ha alcuna influenza sul suo utilizzo.

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