1 Victims of the Gravest Crimes: The Role of Victims in Legal Proceedings Before the International Criminal Court Abstract This thesis analyzes the role of victims in the proceedings before the International Criminal Court, or the so-called victims' mandate of the ICC. The purpose is to comprehensively introduce their rights as well as the way in which this regulation is being applied. Therefore, the research question has two parts. The first part inquires into the current design of the victim's rights before the Court, while the second asks about the results of its application to the present day. Answers offered by the author of the thesis appear respectively in the second and the third chapter. The first chapter is focused on a historical development of the position of victims in the system of international criminal justice. It is of introductory nature and serves to highlight the historically unprecedented character of the role of victims before the ICC. Regarding the research method, the thesis analyzes the role of victims of crimes prosecuted by the ICC from both, theoretical as well as empirical angle. The purpose is to practically and comprehensively describe the regulation of victims before the ICC but also go beyond the "letter of the law" to see the legal regulation within its material context -...

This thesis examines how the promise and institutionalization of 'justice for victims' has shaped the ICC's justice vision and identity. Drawing on interviews with 90 practitioners in The Hague, Kenya and Uganda, it undertakes a sociological and institutional analysis of how 'justice for victims' has evolved in the Court's first two decades through the definitions and redefinitions, pushes and pulls, strategies and miscalculations of the Court's diverse actors both in The Hague and in the field. It argues that the introduction of 'justice for victims' has led to a rift within the Court between those who embrace a narrow understanding of justice as 'fair trials' and those who see the ICC as an opening for broader justice processes. These rifts and gaps are reinforced by the Court's actors in the field such as victims' lawyers and intermediaries who sometimes assume political advocacy roles beyond what the Court's judges envisaged or follow their parochial interests on the ground. While the ICC's judges have increasingly curtailed victim participation and reparation in the court room, the Court's practices on the ground reflect an uneasy fusion of legal justice, development, local and national politics with a proliferation of new justice concepts including 'transformative justice' and 'gender justice'. So far, these justice contestations have not chipped away, much less undermined, the Court's legitimacy. Rather, the Court has thrived on its justice contradictions; its failure to commit to any particular justice vision while loosely relating to all possible visions, has made the Court impervious to critique. But the thesis will also show that 'justice for victims' at the ICC is schizophrenic: it is inherently unstable and its contradictory dynamics may at some point rip the concept apart - and with it the Court's legitimacy.

State responsibility is central to modern politics and international relations. States are commonly blamed for wars, called on to apologize, punished with sanctions, admonished to keep their promises, bound by treaties, and held liable for debts and reparations. But why, and under which conditions, does it make sense to assign responsibilities to whole states rather than to individual leaders and officials? The purpose of this thesis is to resurrect and develop a forgotten understanding of state responsibility from the political thought of Thomas Hobbes. Chapters 1 and 2 examine the two dominant theories of state responsibility and propose a Hobbesian alternative. According to the agential theory, states can be held responsible because they are moral agents like human beings, with analogous capacities for deliberation and intentional action. According to the functional theory, states can be held responsible because they act vicariously through their organs, much as principals act vicariously through agents. What makes Hobbes unique is that he considers states to be 'persons'-entities to which actions, rights, and responsibilities can be attributed-even though they are neither agents nor principals. Hobbes' idea of state personality relies on the concepts of authorization and representation, not of agency and intentionality, nor of functions and organs. Chapters 3, 4, and 5 develop the Hobbesian theory of state responsibility and apply it to three sets of problems. Chapter 3 addresses problems of attribution, such as whether the actions of dictators count as acts of state and whether states can commit crimes. Chapter 4 addresses problems of identity, such as whether revolutions and annexations negate the state's identity and hence its responsibilities. Chapter 5 addresses problems of distribution, such as whether the subjects of the state ought to bear the costs of debts and reparations that their state incurred before they were born. I argue that the Hobbesian theory provides better answers to each set of problems than the agential and functional alternatives.

Den här uppsatsen undersöker möjligheterna för vuxna inlärare med ett redan befäst icke målspråksenligt uttal, att förbättra sitt uttal med hjälp av riktad uttalsträning och ökad språklig medvetenhet. Uppsatsens syfte är att ta reda på hur samtal som ska tydliggöra svenska språkets karaktärsdrag, gällande uttal och uppbyggnad i kombination med riktad uttalsträning, påverkar inlärarnas förmåga att tillägna sig grunddrag i svensk prosodi. Till grunddragen i svensk prosodi hör betonad och obetonad stavelse, relationen mellan lång och kort vokal och konsonant samt olika intonationsmönster. Studien visar att alla informanter klarade av att uttala alla övningsmeningar med målspråksenligt betonings – och intonationsmönster i talkör. Studien indikerar vidare att det dock inte var lika lätt att implementera det nya målspråksenliga uttalet i informanternas egenproducerade tal. Målspråksenliga betonade stavelser ökade dock hos alla informanters egenproducerade tal, vilket bidrog till fler obetonade stavelser runtomkring de betonade stavelserna, vilket i sin tur gav upphov till en mer svenskklingande prosodi. Intonationsmönstren blev också bättre även om de inte var lika tydliga och frekventa som de betonade stavelserna. Förutom ett förbättrat uttal, fick informanterna även en bättre hörförståelse, framförallt tack vare en ökad medvetenhet om reduktion och dess funktion. / This essay examines the possibility for adult learners of Swedish as a second language to improve their pronunciation with specific exercises concerning pronunciation and increased linguistic awareness, despite an already cemented non-native pronunciation. The aim of this essay is to find out how conversation, concerning linguistic characteristics and the structure of the Swedish language, in combination with specific exercises concerning pronunciation affects the adults ability to acquire the characteristics in Swedish prosody. The characteristics of Swedish prosody are stressed and unstressed syllables, the relationship between long and short vowels and consonants as well as different patterns concerning intonation.   The study shows that all participants could pronounce all the sentences from the exercises used in the study with native-like stress and intonation in choral speech. The study also indicates that is was more difficult for them to implement the new native-like pronunciation in their produced speech. Stressed syllables with native-like accent became more frequent among the adults in the study, which resulted in more unstressed syllables and made the prosy sound more Swedish. The different patterns concerning intonation also improved, but not with same frequency as the stressed syllables. Apart from a better pronunciation, the adults also improved their listening comprehension, mostly thanks to an increased consciousness about reduction and its function.

Magister Legum - LLM (Criminal Justice and Procedure) / Transitional justice mechanisms have become commonplace as a tool for recovery for societies emerging from conflict and repressive regimes. The extent to which women's rights concerning development and long-term economic advancement in the arena of transitional justice is dealt with is almost negligible. The significance of including development as a means of protecting marginalised groups such as women has been mostly disregarded in the transitional justice context. Currently, the discourse on gender justice has placed civil and political rights as well as sexual crimes against women at the centre stage. Transitional justice mechanisms have failed to give effect to long-term sustainable and substantive change in women's lives following conflict and periods of repressive rule. The core aims of transitional justice are prosecution of offenders, reconciliation and reparations for the victims of gross human rights abuses. Reparations are usually used as a medium through which restitution and compensation for the harm suffered by victims are made possible. Reparations are also deemed as an essential element for the healing and recovery of the individual victim and the society affected by egregious human rights violations.

Au sein du débat contemporain sur les théories de la justice, les philosophes se posent de plus en plus la question de la particularisation des principes du juste dans des terrains autrement plus complexes que ceux qu’envisage John Rawls, où « toutes choses sont égales par ailleurs ». A cet égard, un nouveau domaine d’application encore peu exploré se présente dans le cadre des transitions démocratiques : quelle forme de justice doit être mise en œuvre dans ces situations extrêmes, pour répondre à des conflits identitaires ou « ethniques » semblables à ces « guerres des dieux » que le libéralisme était précisément né pour combattre ? Cette « justice transitionnelle », ainsi déjà nommée dans les cercles d’experts, comprend des dimensions à la fois rétributive, reconstructive et économique, et tend à s’apparenter à une théorie générale du juste. Ce travail entend questionner ce point de vue afin de déterminer dans quelle mesure le « cas extrême » des sociétés « post-conflit » peut constituer un « test » empirique pour certaines de nos intuitions bien fondées concernant la justice politique en général. Une tension structurelle semble en effet exister entre la « fin » de la justice transitionnelle et les moyens qu’elle emploie. Car la notion même de transition suppose une certaine téléologie : les sociétés transitent toujours « vers » quelque chose, et cet horizon politique, dans le monde de l’après-Guerre Froide où la justice transitionnelle est née, se voit toujours rapporté à une forme de démocratie libérale. Pourtant, au niveau de ses moyens, la justice transitionnelle contredit souvent cet objectif, en ayant recours à des outils et à des concepts qui remettent en question certains fondements bien pensés du libéralisme : moralisation du droit, défense des libertés positives, holisme social, sentimentalisation de la sphère publique, visée thérapeutique ou encore conception « épaisse » et substantielle de la réconciliation, semblent tous faire pencher la justice transitionnelle davantage vers une forme de perfectionnisme politique et moral que vers un libéralisme entièrement procédural et neutre. Il s’agira donc ici de comprendre dans quelle mesure ce « détour » par les situations de l’après-violence, à travers une démarche fortement applicative puisqu’elle nous confrontera à la réalité de six terrains différents (Ex-Yougoslavie, Ouganda, Rwanda, Allemagne de l’Est, Afrique du Sud, Timor Oriental), nous invite à reformuler et à infléchir certaines de nos intuitions relatives à la justice politique libérale. La notion de « capabilités », entendue comme moyen d’autonomiser les victimes de la violence, nous permettra notamment de penser les modalités de la réintroduction d’une certaine finalité éthique que le libéralisme politique traditionnel avait évacuée. Confrontée en effet à des traumatismes et à des pathologies sociales de l’ampleur de celles que nous rencontrerons, il semble en effet que l’organisation politique et sociale ait besoin d’une conception un peu plus « épaisse », plus substantielle, de ce qui constitue la morale et l’humanité de l’homme – conception que le libéralisme strictement procédural de Rawls ne semble pas pouvoir nous fournir. / Within the contemporary debate on theories of justice, philosophers are increasingly debating the possibilities of applying these principles of justice to different situations from those envisioned by John Rawls, where “all other things are equal”. A new, unexplored, field of application is therefore emerging in the form of democratic transitions: what kind of justice should be applied in extreme situations to address “war of the gods” type of identity or "ethnic" conflicts, which were precisely those that liberalism was born to overcome? This “transitional justice”, as experts have already called it, includes retributive, restorative and economic aspects, and is often construed as forming a new general theory of justice. In this paper we would like to challenge this point of view and determine to what extent the “extreme case” of post-conflict societies forms a sort of empirical test for our intuitions with regard to political justice in general. Indeed, there appears to be a structural contradiction between the ends of transitional justice and the means used to achieve it. The very notion of transition implies a kind of teleology: we always transit “towards” something, and in the post-Cold War era in which transitional justice was born, the political horizon was always some form of liberal democracy. However, the means used by transitional justice often contradict this objective, with the use of tools and concepts that counter some of the fundamental principles of political liberalism. For instance, we might name the confusion between law and morality, the defense of positive freedom, a form of social holism, a “sentimentalization” of the public sphere, a therapeutic interpretation of rights, or a “thick”, substantial, conception of reconciliation - all of which seem to lead transitional justice more towards some form of political and moral perfectionism rather than to an entirely neutral and procedural form of liberalism. In this thesis therefore, we will attempt to understand to what extent the application of transitional justice to post-conflict societies (using a quasi-experimental methodology that will entail six different case studies: ex-Yugoslavia, Uganda, Rwanda, East Germany, South Africa and Timor Leste), could lead us to redefine and modify some of our strongest intuitions dealing with liberal political justice. The notion of capability, understood as a means of empowering victims of violence, will lead us to consider ways of reintroducing a certain ethical purpose to those “ends”, which political liberalism, in its traditional form, has abandoned. Faced with extreme forms of trauma and social pathologies, it seems that political and social organization needs a “thicker”, more substantial, conception of morality and of what constitutes mankind's humanity – one that Rawls’ strictly procedural liberalism cannot provide.

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The moderation function of in-group status position on the relationship between group-based guilt and reparation intention was tested in a 2 (group-based guilt: low versus high) x 2 (status loss: weak versus strong) factorial between-subjects design, using an online survey software program named Qualtrics. The target population was white South African undergraduate students born after 1988 and registered at the University of South Africa. The results of the first Experiment confirmed the hypothesis, that the relationship between group-based guilt and reparation intention becomes less significant the more participants perceive a loss of status for their in-group. However, the hypothesis could not be confirmed in Experiment 2. The results are presented and discussed in detail / Psychology / M.A. (Psychology)

La justice transitionnelle est l’instrument juridique qu’a permis á la Colombie comme État, de sortir d’un long période de conflit armé et d’instaurer la paix dans son territoire. Cet outil utilisé par le gouvernement colombien et qui développe mécanismes juridiques et politiques appliqués dans ses processus de paix, doit être analysé sous différents angles. La première partie fait une étude des fondements théoriques des droits qui composent la justice transitionnelle comme la vérité, la justice et la réparation selon les instruments internationaux et la jurisprudence constitutionnelle colombienne et internationale. Dans cette partie les mécanismes qui rendent ces droits effectifs sont également analysés. L’étude de la deuxième partie propose un regard sur les deux étapes de la mise en œuvre du modèle colombien de justice transitionnelle. Ces étapes ont été appliquées par différents gouvernements du pays et dans de circonstances différentes. Cette analyse part tout d’abord, sur le développement de la nommé Loi de Justice et Paix de l’année 2005, ses caractéristiques et difficultés dans le processus avec les paramilitaires, pour ensuite se consacrer à la seconde étape du modèle qui á été mise en place pour donner suite à l’accord de paix signé entre le gouvernement colombien et la guérilla des FARC en 2016. / The transitional justice is the legal system that allowed Colombia as a State to overcome a long period of armed conflict and to find peace. This system, used by the Colombian government to develop political and legal mechanisms applied to peace processes, must be analyzed from different angles. The first section studies the theoretical foundations of the rights that compose transitional justice, such as the truth, the justice and the reparation, according to international instruments and both the Colombian and international constitutional rulings. In this section the mechanisms that make effective the rights are analyzed equally. The study of the second section is a look at the two stages of the Colombian transitional justice model implementation. These stages were applied by different governments of the country and with different circumstances. This analysis is, on the one hand the development of the so-called Justice and Peace Law of 2005, its characteristics and difficulties within the process with the paramilitaries. On the other hand, the second stage of the model was consecrated to enable the development of the peace agreement signed by the Colombian government and the FARC guerrilla in 2016.

<p>This paper is about the reparations regime of the International Criminal Court and reparations possibilities for victims of sexual violence. It will contain a legal analysis of the reparations system of&nbsp / the Court, including the Trust Fund for Victims of the International Criminal Court. In a second step, the needs of women who experienced conflict related violence will be examined. The central&nbsp / &nbsp / question, which this paper will try to answer, is whether the ICC reparations regime has the ability to provide gender-sensitive reparations and thus make a contribution to the improvement of&nbsp / women&rsquo / s lives in post-conflict societies.</p>