This dissertation is presented within the doctoral study on the Charles University in Prague, Faculty of Law. The presented dissertation addresses the issue of the status and activity of trade unions in labour relations. The dissertation deals with the conditions for legal foundation and creation of trade unions, the conditions for their operation at an employer, their organisational structure, the conditions for the dissolution and disbanding of trade unions. The dissertation is also devoted on the questions of plurality of trade unions, as well as the questions of jurisdiction and powers of trade unions in labour relations, focusing on the right of collective bargaining and the right to conclude collective agreements. The dissertation also deals with the collective labour disputes and the various methods of their resolving, focusing on the right to strike as an extreme means for resolving a collective dispute. The presented dissertation also deals with certain issues related to the status of members of trade union bodies (union officials), with the status of labour organisations in the period from the founding of an independent Czechoslovak state in 1918 up until 1989 and an outline of developments in the trade union movement after 1989 and also looks into the right to strike in selected countries of the...

A literatura focada na Primeira República brasileira (1891-1930) normalmente considera o parlamento desprovido de poder político porque enquadra neste período o marco do acordo firmado entre o presidente Campos Sales e os governadores estaduais para impedir a eleição das oposições no Legislativo Federal. Uma tese até hoje consolidada na historiografia política e que em geral tributa o desfecho autoritário daquele regime à cristalização dos efeitos do referido pacto, mais conhecido como politica dos governadores. O presente trabalho investiga a suposta passividade dos parlamentares eleitos de 1900 em diante através do exame da composição partidária do Congresso Nacional e comportamento legislativo dos representantes em algumas questões cruciais valendo-se do estudo da Câmara dos Deputados. A hipótese de pesquisa parte do entendimento clássico e assume que a Casa não constituía uma importante arena decisória para se construir consenso, garantido de antemão. Contraintuitivos, os resultados mostram que as bancadas estaduais empossadas nas onze legislaturas abertas entre 1900 e 1930 tenderam majoritariamente ao unipartidarismo, mas nem por isso agiram de modo unânime, coeso e subserviente à orientação do governo, havendo espaço para obstrução e eventuais derrotas amargadas pelo Poder Executivo. Definitivamente, o parlamento não gozava de status marginal no regime como frequentemente se alega, mas configurava um foro de negociação central para a governabilidade. / The literature on the Brazilian First Republic (1891-1930) usually claims that the parliament lacked political power, due to an agreement made between President Campos Sales and state governors that prevented the oppositions from gaining representation in the federal legislature. A well-known thesis in the political historiography links the authoritarian nature of the regime to the effects of that pact, known as politics of governors. This dissertation assesses the supposed passivity of parliamentarians elected from 1900 on, by analyzing the party composition of the national Congress and the legislative behavior of representatives in some crucial issues, based on the study of the Chamber of Deputies. The research hypothesis is rooted on the classic interpretation and assumes that the House did not constitute an important decision-making arena for building consensuses, which were guaranteed beforehand. The results of the analyses reported in this dissertation are counterintuitive and show that the state benches of the eleven legislatures between 1900 and 1930 tended to be single-party, but did not act with unanimity, cohesion and subordination to the recommendations of the government, giving room to obstructions and defeats of the Executive. Definitely, the parliament was not a marginal player in the regime as is frequently claimed, but was rather a forum for negotiations with important consequences for governability.

This thesis seeks to contribute to the literature by studying the impact of a legislators gender on health and public security policies passed in the Brazilian Congress and whether such policies are aligned with voters preferences. Evidences have shown that women face stronger barriers to being elected as compared to their male counterparts (Lawless 2015; Speck and Mancuso 2014) and they face a complex and demanding electoral playing field when running for re-election (Palmer and Simon, 2010). My hypothesis is that female politicians need to establish their credibility by proposing public policies in masculine areas, such as public security. Once a congresswoman has political experience, as a mayor, state deputy or another office, she risks making policy more aligned with female voter preferences. Using data from a national survey and a low-income voter survey, I analyze whether male and female Brazilian voters differ in the priority they assign to health and security policies. This enables me to predict what effects gender representation should have on health and public security policy choices. Then, I examine the differences in the types of health and public security budget amendments sponsored by male and female legislators. Finally, I analyze the impact of a politicians gender conditional on experience in politics. With these results, I compare the preferences and priorities of male and female voters with the representatives priorities and see if they correspond. Employing logistic regressions, the voter surveys analyses show that female voters do not present different policy preferences than male voters. Moreover, the results of the budget amendments analysis using linear regressions suggest that (i) female deputies do not focus more on health policy than their male counterparts, and (ii) female deputies that are professional politicians allocate less resource for security policy than male professional deputies. / Esta dissertação busca contribuir com a literatura estudando o impacto do sexo do deputado nas políticas públicas de saúde e segurança aprovadas no Congresso brasileiro, e se tais políticas estão alinhadas com as preferências dos eleitores. A literatura tem mostrado que mulheres enfrentam fortes barreiras para serem eleitas se comparado aos homens (Lawless 2015; Speck e Mancuso 2014) e elas também enfrentam um complexo e exigente jogo eleitoral quando concorrem à reeleição (Palmer e Simon 2010). Minha hipótese é de que deputadas precisam estabelecer sua credibilidade propondo políticas públicas em áreas masculinas, tal como segurança pública. Uma vez que a deputada tenha experiência política, como prefeita, deputada federal ou um outro cargo político, ela se arriscará fazendo política mais alinhada com as preferências das eleitoras. Utilizando dados de um survey nacional e de um survey com eleitores de baixa renda, eu analiso se as eleitoras e os eleitores brasileiros apresentam diferentes prioridades com relação a políticas de saúde e de segurança. Com esses resultados, eu posso predizer quais os efeitos a representação de homens e mulheres deveria ter sobre a escolha de políticas públicas de saúde e segurança. Então, eu analiso as diferenças nos tipos de emendas orçamentárias de saúde e de segurança que são propostas pelos deputados e deputadas. Finalmente, eu analiso o impacto do sexo do parlamentar condicional à experiência na política. Com estes resultados, eu comparo as preferências e prioridades de eleitores e eleitoras com as prioridades dos parlamentares e vejo se elas correspondem. Empregando regressão logística, a análise dos surveys mostra que eleitoras não apresentam diferentes preferências políticas que os eleitores. Além disso, os resultados da análise das emendas orçamentárias utilizando regressão linear sugere que (i) deputadas não priorizam política de saúde mais que seus colegas o fazem; e (ii) deputadas que são políticas profissionais alocam menos recursos para política de segurança do que fazem os deputados profissionais.

This diploma thesis focuses on challengers' success in the US House of Representatives elections in a selected group of states during the time period 2000-2010. It deals with the context of the American party system and describes the framework of electoral politics and campaigns. Specific position of incumbents in the elections and the incumbency advantage are taken into account as well. Aim of this work is to determine whether and how particular dominance (or absence of a dominant position) of political party in the electoral districts influences challengers' chances to be elected. Electoral districts are divided into two groups according to the presidential election results of 2000, 2004 and 2008. First, there are districts where one party has a dominant voters' support and candidates of that party are safe in the elections. Second, there are districts where neither party has a dominant position. After analysing the House election results 2000-2010 from the perspective of successfully elected challengers, the diploma thesis concludes that when the district was (according to specified criteria) safe for one party, challenger of the other party had no chance of being elected.

Abstract Role stress in the related researches on pressure is a variety which has been mentioned from work. Job satisfaction is not only a variety which usually discussed by researchers, but also an important factor for the human resource management often approached by the organization. However, many researches point out that role stress from work may reduce an employee's job satisfaction. Simultaneously, if customer service representatives (CSR) have role stress and reduce their job satisfaction, such a situation may influence the service quality and reputation of the enterprise. Recently, in order to enhance the service quality and customer satisfaction, many call centers in the telecommunication and financial enterprises are using computer and telephony integration system (CTI). Therefore, the thesis would like to research the influence of CSR role stress and job satisfaction with using CTI to analyze and discuss the case of TransAsia Telecommunications Inc.,. The thesis mainly uses the structural questionnaires to understand how CSR in TransAsia call center use CTI and think about role stress and job satisfaction. But the thesis speculates all the CSR, including the new members who work in TransAsia after using CTI, may have worked with CTI. Because the new members can't compare the present situation with the past for using CTI, the thesis decides to divide all the CSR into two groups---one is "Seniors", the other is "Juniors". The conclusions are as followed: (1)The more useful and easier CTI is used, the less role conflict and ambiguity Seniors have, and the greater internal and external satisfaction Seniors get. (2)The more useful CTI is, the less role conflict Juniors have, and the greater internal satisfaction Juniors get. Moreover, the less role conflict and ambiguity Juniors have, the greater internal and external satisfaction Juniors get. To sum up, the research hypotheses to Seniors are fully supported, but these to Juniors aren't fully supported. I infer the main reason why the research hypotheses to Juniors are not be fully supported is that the timing for surveying the use of CTI is too early, and Juniors who work in the call center just for one year. So they can't compare the present advantages of CTI with the past. However, there are many factors may influence an employee's job satisfaction, those are also the reasons why CTI can't completely explain job satisfaction of CSR.

When there are a large number of predictors and few observations, building a regression model to explain the behavior of a response variable such as a patient's medical condition is very challenging. This is a "p ≫n " variable selection problem encountered often in modern applied statistics and data mining. Chapter one of this thesis proposes a rigorous procedure which groups predictors into clusters of "highly-correlated" variables, selects a representative from each cluster, and uses a subset of the representatives for regression modeling. The proposed Penalized method based on Representatives (PR) extends the Lasso for the p ≫ n data and highly correlated variables, to build a sparse model practically interpretable and maintain prediction quality. Moreover, we provide the PR-Sequential Grouped Regression (PR-SGR) to make computation of the PR procedure efficient. Simulation studies show the proposed method outperforms existing methods such as the Lasso/Lars. A real-life example from a mental health diagnosis illustrates the applicability of the PR-SGR. In the second part of the thesis, we study the analysis of time-to-event data called a gap data when missing time intervals (gaps) possibly happen prior to the first observed event time. If a gap occurs prior to the first observed event, then the first observed event may or may not be the first true event. This incomplete knowledge makes the gap data different from the well-studied regular interval censored data. We propose a Non-Parametric Estimate for the Gap data (NPEG) to estimate the survival function for the first true event time, derive its analytic properties and demonstrate its performance in simulations. We also extend the Imputed Empirical Estimating method (IEE), which is an existing nonparametric method for the gap data up to one gap, to handle the gap data with multiple gaps.

No description available.

No description available.

The research objective is to explore the dynamics of value orientations of the Lithuanian local government representatives in 1991-2001.

Žmogaus teisės – esminė šiuolaikinės civilizacijos vertybė. Viena iš tokių vertybių yra darbuotojų teisė į informavimą ir konsultavimą grupės darbuotojų atleidimo atveju. Darbuotojų teisė į informavimą ir konsultavimą atleidimo atveju susijusi ir su socialinėmis, ekonominėmis asmens teisėmis, todėl informavimas, konsultavimas privalo būti įgyvendinami laiku kaip turintys įtakos užimtumo politikai. Darbuotojų teisė į informavimą ir konsultavimą grupės darbuotojų atleidimo atveju yra reglamentuota tiek nacionaliniu lygiu (LR DK, Lietuvos Respublikos užimtumo rėmimo įstatymas ir kt.), tiek tarptautiniu lygiu (Tarybos direktyva 98/59/EB, TDO konvencija Nr. 158 „Dėl darbo sutarties nutraukimo“, Tarybos direktyva 2001/23/EB ir kt.). Šiame darbe yra siekiama išanalizuoti ir nustatyti įstatymais ir kitais teisės normų aktais įtvirtintas teises į informavimą ir konsultavimą grupės darbuotojų atleidimo atveju. Darbas buvo rašomas remiantis lietuvių ir užsienio moksline literatūra, įvairiais teisės normų aktais, teismų praktika, internetinėse teisinėse sistemose pateikta informacija. / Human rights are the basic value of nowadays civilization. One of the values is employees’ of the group right to information and consultation on discharge from employment. The right to information and consultation on discharge from employment is related to person’s social, economic rights; therefore, information and consultation must be enforced on time because it has some influence on employment policy. The right to information and consultation on discharge from employment is regulated on national level (Labour Code of the Republic of Lithuania, Law of the employement promotion of the Republic of Lithuania, etc.) and international level (Council directive 98/59/EB, Convention of International Labour Organization No. 158 “On breaking work contract”, Council directive 2001/23/EB, etc) The present work seeks to analyze and determine the right to information and consultation on discharge from employment established by laws and other legal acts. The present work is based on Lithuanian and foreign scientific literature, various legal acts, practice of courts, and information presented in on-line legal systems.