The aim of this study was to examine how state representatives prepared domestic violence, regarding the economic consequences of women exposed to violence. In order to achieve a profound and comprehensive view of the governmental keyfigures discussion we performed five interviews and studied selected governmental preparatory works between the years 1995-2015. We used theory on social construction as an approach and certain themes were more regular in our empirical material, which we compiled in three different discourses. According to our empirical material the economic situation of women exposed to violence is caused by inequality and gender power structure. The solution given by state representatives are referred to the municipality and social services. But despite these results, our main result is the silence. Conclusively, this study displays, private economic consequences of combined women are not given much attention in state representatives preparation of domestic violence.

The 2010 freshman class bears an uncanny resemble to their idealistic counterparts from 1994. Their campaign rhetoric, motivations and beliefs are almost interchangeable. The triumphs and especially frustrations and failures of their first terms also bear stark similarities. Most critically, the freshmen's conservative agenda suffered a disappointing electoral rebuke in their first elections as incumbents. Both the 1996 and 2012 presidential year congressional elections halted the respective momentum of the Republican Revolution and the Tea Party. The lessons of the 104th Congress offer many lessons to the freshmen of the 112th, namely that ideological "revolutions" in America (in this case, those of a conservative nature) struggle to deal with the challenges of governing. This thesis will examine and compare the rhetoric and motivations of the freshmen during their initial campaigns, and the triumphs and tribulations of their first terms in a city that is resistant to sudden and sweeping changes. The title of this work, "Taking Back America," reflects the sense of urgency and gravitas that spiritually united both classes of freshmen. The personal observations recorded in Linda Killian‘s The Freshman (1998) and Robert Draper‘s When the Tea Party Came to Town (2012) form the foundation of this examination, which focuses entirely on the U.S. House of Representatives.

Για πολλές δεκαετίες οι μελετητές ερεύνησαν τη στάση των γιατρών απέναντι στα διαθέσιμα μέσα πληροφόρησής τους για τα φάρμακα που κυκλοφορούν στην αγορά. Ο προβληματισμός πάντα ήταν ο ίδιος: ο γιατρός επιλέγει πάντα με βάση τις ανάγκες του ασθενή, ή υπάρχουν και άλλοι παράγοντες που τον επηρεάζουν στις επιλογές του; Ποιος είναι ο ρόλος των φαρμακευτικών εταιρειών και μέχρι ποιο βαθμό μπορούν να καθορίσουν την άποψη του ειδικού επιστήμονα; Οι ιατρικοί επισκέπτες αντιπροσωπεύουν τον κυριώτερο σύνδεσμο επικοινωνίας της φαρμακευτικής εταιρίας με τους θεράποντες ιατρούς. Ποια είναι όμως η γνώμη των ιατρών σχετικά με τη χρησιμότητα αυτής της επικοινωνίας; Σκοπός μας σε αυτή την εργασία είναι να προσεγγίσουμε και να κατανοήσουμε τα κριτήρια με τα οποία επιλέγει ο γιατρός τα μέσα ώστε να μπορέσει να ενημερωθεί για την αγορά των φαρμάκων. Η εργασία μας θα χωριστεί σε δύο μέρη, στο πρώτο μέρος (το θεωρητικό) θα γίνει η βιβλιογραφική προσέγγιση του θέματος και συγχρόνως θα επιλεγεί το τελικό μοντέλο στο οποίο θα βασιστεί το δεύτερο μέρος, το πρακτικό. Στο πρακτικό μέρος μέσω του μοντέλου, θα εστιάσουμε σε συγκεκριμένα ερευνητικά πεδία, διερευνώντας, μέσω ερωτηματολογίων, τα μέσα ενημέρωσης των γιατρών, αλλά και τη σχέση τους με τους ιατρικούς επισκέπτες. Τελικός στόχος της έρευνάς μας είναι να διερευνήσουμε τα παραπάνω ερωτήματα, με στόχο την εξαγωγή συμπερασμάτων για την βελτίωση της επικοινωνίας μεταξύ φαρμακευτικών εταιριών και του θεράποντος ιατρού. / For decades researchers investigated the attitudes of doctors toward their information resources available for drugs on the market. The problem was always the same: always choose the doctor based on the needs of the patient, or are there other factors that influence the choices? What is the role of pharmaceutical companies and to what extent can determine the specific terms of the scientist? Medical sales represent the highlight of communication link of the pharmaceutical company with their doctors,. What is the opinion of physicians regarding the usefulness of this communication? Our aim in this work is to approach and understand the criteria by which the doctor chooses the means that it can be updated for the purchase of medicines. Our work will be divided into two parts, the first part (theoretical) will be the bibliographic approach and while it will select the final model that will build the second part, practical. In practical through the model, we will focus on specific areas of research, exploring, through questionnaires, media doctors, and their relationship with the medical visitors. The ultimate goal of our research is to explore these questions in order to draw lessons for improving communication between pharmaceutical companies and physician.

A literatura focada na Primeira República brasileira (1891-1930) normalmente considera o parlamento desprovido de poder político porque enquadra neste período o marco do acordo firmado entre o presidente Campos Sales e os governadores estaduais para impedir a eleição das oposições no Legislativo Federal. Uma tese até hoje consolidada na historiografia política e que em geral tributa o desfecho autoritário daquele regime à cristalização dos efeitos do referido pacto, mais conhecido como politica dos governadores. O presente trabalho investiga a suposta passividade dos parlamentares eleitos de 1900 em diante através do exame da composição partidária do Congresso Nacional e comportamento legislativo dos representantes em algumas questões cruciais valendo-se do estudo da Câmara dos Deputados. A hipótese de pesquisa parte do entendimento clássico e assume que a Casa não constituía uma importante arena decisória para se construir consenso, garantido de antemão. Contraintuitivos, os resultados mostram que as bancadas estaduais empossadas nas onze legislaturas abertas entre 1900 e 1930 tenderam majoritariamente ao unipartidarismo, mas nem por isso agiram de modo unânime, coeso e subserviente à orientação do governo, havendo espaço para obstrução e eventuais derrotas amargadas pelo Poder Executivo. Definitivamente, o parlamento não gozava de status marginal no regime como frequentemente se alega, mas configurava um foro de negociação central para a governabilidade. / The literature on the Brazilian First Republic (1891-1930) usually claims that the parliament lacked political power, due to an agreement made between President Campos Sales and state governors that prevented the oppositions from gaining representation in the federal legislature. A well-known thesis in the political historiography links the authoritarian nature of the regime to the effects of that pact, known as politics of governors. This dissertation assesses the supposed passivity of parliamentarians elected from 1900 on, by analyzing the party composition of the national Congress and the legislative behavior of representatives in some crucial issues, based on the study of the Chamber of Deputies. The research hypothesis is rooted on the classic interpretation and assumes that the House did not constitute an important decision-making arena for building consensuses, which were guaranteed beforehand. The results of the analyses reported in this dissertation are counterintuitive and show that the state benches of the eleven legislatures between 1900 and 1930 tended to be single-party, but did not act with unanimity, cohesion and subordination to the recommendations of the government, giving room to obstructions and defeats of the Executive. Definitely, the parliament was not a marginal player in the regime as is frequently claimed, but was rather a forum for negotiations with important consequences for governability.

Estudo sobre os programas Fale com o Deputado e Fale com a Ouvidoria da Câmara dos Deputados, a fim de se captarem representações, crenças e valores sobre a política. O trabalho assume a perspectiva de uma antropologia da política, desnaturalizando conceitos como democracia, participação e representação política, para captar as concepções dos sujeitos envolvidos no diálogo proposto pela Câmara dos Deputados, por intermédio desses canais de correio eletrônico. Assim, a tese não estuda os programas Fale com o Deputado e Fale com a Ouvidoria, mas nos programas. As mensagens enviadas, juntamente com os documentos produzidos pela Casa Legislativa acerca dos programas, bem como notícias e entrevistas com parlamentares e assessores sobre eles, são suportes de expressão de significados associados ao mundo da política, muitas vezes, concebidos como excludentes. Assim, eles são veículos de expressão, mas também de ação, que expõem combinações, normalmente contrapostas, por uma espécie de ficção construída em torno da noção de modernidade: indivíduo e pessoa, diretos e favores, particular e universal. Os documentos abordados revelam conciliações e embates discursivos que acenam para distintas maneiras de os atores fazerem a política, as quais acabam por revelar entendimentos sobre como se dá a gestão interna à Casa desses programas e questionamentos a respeito dos limites e possibilidades da Internet no fazer político

Estudo sobre os programas Fale com o Deputado e Fale com a Ouvidoria da Câmara dos Deputados, a fim de se captarem representações, crenças e valores sobre a política. O trabalho assume a perspectiva de uma antropologia da política, desnaturalizando conceitos como democracia, participação e representação política, para captar as concepções dos sujeitos envolvidos no diálogo proposto pela Câmara dos Deputados, por intermédio desses canais de correio eletrônico. Assim, a tese não estuda os programas Fale com o Deputado e Fale com a Ouvidoria, mas nos programas. As mensagens enviadas, juntamente com os documentos produzidos pela Casa Legislativa acerca dos programas, bem como notícias e entrevistas com parlamentares e assessores sobre eles, são suportes de expressão de significados associados ao mundo da política, muitas vezes, concebidos como excludentes. Assim, eles são veículos de expressão, mas também de ação, que expõem combinações, normalmente contrapostas, por uma espécie de ficção construída em torno da noção de modernidade: indivíduo e pessoa, diretos e favores, particular e universal. Os documentos abordados revelam conciliações e embates discursivos que acenam para distintas maneiras de os atores fazerem a política, as quais acabam por revelar entendimentos sobre como se dá a gestão interna à Casa desses programas e questionamentos a respeito dos limites e possibilidades da Internet no fazer político

Submitted by (lucia.rodrigues@ufrpe.br) on 2016-06-17T13:26:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Williams Andrade de Souza.pdf: 1540747 bytes, checksum: 0b1a45dd66884842ba5900f78e2383ad (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-17T13:26:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Williams Andrade de Souza.pdf: 1540747 bytes, checksum: 0b1a45dd66884842ba5900f78e2383ad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-28 / In this work, we discuss the administration of the Recife's House of Representatives in 1829 and 1849. Through several documents (laws, bills, municipal postures, meeting minutes, news from newspapers, official letters) and different bibliographical sources, we point out here some of the attempts to settle norms and civility brought about by The House of Representatives' agents (Representatives, inspectors, etc.) in search of settling the so-called "the city good government". Thus , we describe certain marks of the municipality work, its internal organization, the search for efficiency and administrative rationalization, some of the government tactics and disciplinary practices of the public space in a civilizable context (although such practices were not fully carried out in everyday life, especially because of the customs, traditions and Recife inhabitant's resistances constituted hindrances to them. However we presumed that the administration under the models of the use of norms and civility were marks of the municipality action and so resulting in influences and importance beyond its governmental/administrative functions, even the political and cultural ones as we had presumed. / Este trabalho tem como proposta basilar versar sobre a câmara municipal do Recife e sua administração nos anos de 1829 a 1849. Através da leitura e análise de variados documentos – leis, editais, posturas municipais, atas de reuniões, artigos, noticias de jornais, ofícios e fontes bibliográficas diversas, apontamos aqui alguns indícios e sinais –, como sugere Carlo Ginzburg, das tentativas de normatização e civilidade impetradas pelos agentes camarários na busca por estabelecer o chamado “bom governo da cidade”. Assim, narramos certas marcas da atuação da municipalidade, a sua organização interna, a busca pela eficiência e racionalização administrativa, algumas das táticas de governo e práticas de disciplinamento do espaço público num contexto civilizacional. Ainda que tal expediente não se exercesse plenamente no cotidiano social, principalmente porque os costumes, as tradições e as resistências dos recifenses eram rastros e entraves a tais anseios das elites ali alocadas. Não obstante, entrevemos que a administração sob os moldes da normatização e civilidade eram marcas da ação da municipalidade redundando em influências e importâncias para além das suas funções governativas/administrativas, até mesmo políticas e culturais, conforme conjeturamos.

Aujourd’hui, parler de « risques psychosociaux » est devenu monnaie courante. Grâce à la médiatisation fulgurante des suicides au travail, un tabou est enfin levé : le lieu de travail est un terrain hostile !Si le Code du travail n’en fait nullement référence, ces risques psychosociaux sont, semble-t-il, « des risques pour la santé crées par le travail à travers des mécanismes sociaux et psychiques », d’après la Circulaire ministérielle du 18 Avril 2002. Face à un tel vide juridique et parce que ces risques traduisent un malaise social tant sur le plan des relations individuelles que collectives de travail, est venu le temps de l’articulation de l’individuel et du collectif. C’est l’heure pour le législateur d’entrer en scène … / Today, talk about " psychosocial risks " has become commonplace. With the dramatic media coverage of suicides at work, a taboo is lifted: the workplace is an hostile place!If the Labour Code makes no reference about this phenomenon, these psychosocial risks are, as it appears, « the health risks created by working through social and psychological mechanisms », according to the Ministerial Circular of 18 April 2002. Faced with such a legal vacuum and because these risks reflect a social unrest both in individual and collective relationships of labor, it came time for the articulation of the individual and the collective. It's time for the legislature to step in …

Dans l’entreprise, la responsabilité de l’employeur découle classiquement de la reconnaissance de pouvoirs. Un tel constat peut-il être établi au sujet des représentants des salariés ? Répondre à cette question suppose que soit identifiée la nature des prérogatives qui sont confiées par le code du travail aux titulaires de mandat électifs, ou syndicaux, au sein de l’entreprise. Cette étude a donc pour objectif de proposer une qualification des attributions des représentants du personnel puis d’en tirer conséquence sur le plan de la responsabilité.L’analyse des caractéristiques de ces attributions conduit à rattacher celles-ci, pour l’essentiel,à la catégorie des droits-fonctions et à exclure souvent la qualification de pouvoir. Ce choix n’a cependant pas pour effet d’écarter toute responsabilité du titulaire du mandat, comme on aurait pu le supposer. La qualification de droit-fonction appelle un régime de responsabilité original et particulièrement adapté à la mission des représentants des salariés au sein de l’entreprise. Elle permet, notamment, de sanctionner le manquement au devoir d’agir.L’absence de pouvoir des représentants du personnel ne s’accompagne donc pas d’une totale immunité. / In the business world, the liability of the employer or its representatives is related to their powers. Is it the same concerning the staff representatives ? Answering this question need to determine the nature of the powers available to the mandate holders. Thus, the aim of thisstudy is to propose a classification of the functions of staff representatives, as presented in theLabour regulations. Analyzing their nature leads to put them essentially in the category offunction-rights and often not in the category of the powers. The consequence is not, as expected, the rejection of any responsibility. The label of function-rights leads to an original system of liability, which is able to punish the default of duty to act. The lack of power ofstaff representatives does not mean immunity.

Companies from multiple branches use as one way to offer their products and services network of sales representatives. This thesis study mainly designing process of such network and process of planning day to day routes of sales representatives with focus on minimizing cost caused by their work. For designing such network set covering problem model and matching problem model were used. For planning sales representatives routes travelling salesman problem, multiple salesperson travelling salesman problem, vehicle routing problem, nearest neighbor heuristic and authors own solution were used. Usage of multicriterial decision making is briefly mentioned as tool for managing such network on examples of equipment selection. As demonstration on real case, data from Tata Global Beverages (Jemča) company were used.