The 2010 freshman class bears an uncanny resemble to their idealistic counterparts from 1994. Their campaign rhetoric, motivations and beliefs are almost interchangeable. The triumphs and especially frustrations and failures of their first terms also bear stark similarities. Most critically, the freshmen's conservative agenda suffered a disappointing electoral rebuke in their first elections as incumbents. Both the 1996 and 2012 presidential year congressional elections halted the respective momentum of the Republican Revolution and the Tea Party. The lessons of the 104th Congress offer many lessons to the freshmen of the 112th, namely that ideological "revolutions" in America (in this case, those of a conservative nature) struggle to deal with the challenges of governing. This thesis will examine and compare the rhetoric and motivations of the freshmen during their initial campaigns, and the triumphs and tribulations of their first terms in a city that is resistant to sudden and sweeping changes. The title of this work, "Taking Back America," reflects the sense of urgency and gravitas that spiritually united both classes of freshmen. The personal observations recorded in Linda Killian‘s The Freshman (1998) and Robert Draper‘s When the Tea Party Came to Town (2012) form the foundation of this examination, which focuses entirely on the U.S. House of Representatives.

Για πολλές δεκαετίες οι μελετητές ερεύνησαν τη στάση των γιατρών απέναντι στα διαθέσιμα μέσα πληροφόρησής τους για τα φάρμακα που κυκλοφορούν στην αγορά. Ο προβληματισμός πάντα ήταν ο ίδιος: ο γιατρός επιλέγει πάντα με βάση τις ανάγκες του ασθενή, ή υπάρχουν και άλλοι παράγοντες που τον επηρεάζουν στις επιλογές του; Ποιος είναι ο ρόλος των φαρμακευτικών εταιρειών και μέχρι ποιο βαθμό μπορούν να καθορίσουν την άποψη του ειδικού επιστήμονα; Οι ιατρικοί επισκέπτες αντιπροσωπεύουν τον κυριώτερο σύνδεσμο επικοινωνίας της φαρμακευτικής εταιρίας με τους θεράποντες ιατρούς. Ποια είναι όμως η γνώμη των ιατρών σχετικά με τη χρησιμότητα αυτής της επικοινωνίας; Σκοπός μας σε αυτή την εργασία είναι να προσεγγίσουμε και να κατανοήσουμε τα κριτήρια με τα οποία επιλέγει ο γιατρός τα μέσα ώστε να μπορέσει να ενημερωθεί για την αγορά των φαρμάκων. Η εργασία μας θα χωριστεί σε δύο μέρη, στο πρώτο μέρος (το θεωρητικό) θα γίνει η βιβλιογραφική προσέγγιση του θέματος και συγχρόνως θα επιλεγεί το τελικό μοντέλο στο οποίο θα βασιστεί το δεύτερο μέρος, το πρακτικό. Στο πρακτικό μέρος μέσω του μοντέλου, θα εστιάσουμε σε συγκεκριμένα ερευνητικά πεδία, διερευνώντας, μέσω ερωτηματολογίων, τα μέσα ενημέρωσης των γιατρών, αλλά και τη σχέση τους με τους ιατρικούς επισκέπτες. Τελικός στόχος της έρευνάς μας είναι να διερευνήσουμε τα παραπάνω ερωτήματα, με στόχο την εξαγωγή συμπερασμάτων για την βελτίωση της επικοινωνίας μεταξύ φαρμακευτικών εταιριών και του θεράποντος ιατρού. / For decades researchers investigated the attitudes of doctors toward their information resources available for drugs on the market. The problem was always the same: always choose the doctor based on the needs of the patient, or are there other factors that influence the choices? What is the role of pharmaceutical companies and to what extent can determine the specific terms of the scientist? Medical sales represent the highlight of communication link of the pharmaceutical company with their doctors,. What is the opinion of physicians regarding the usefulness of this communication? Our aim in this work is to approach and understand the criteria by which the doctor chooses the means that it can be updated for the purchase of medicines. Our work will be divided into two parts, the first part (theoretical) will be the bibliographic approach and while it will select the final model that will build the second part, practical. In practical through the model, we will focus on specific areas of research, exploring, through questionnaires, media doctors, and their relationship with the medical visitors. The ultimate goal of our research is to explore these questions in order to draw lessons for improving communication between pharmaceutical companies and physician.

A literatura focada na Primeira República brasileira (1891-1930) normalmente considera o parlamento desprovido de poder político porque enquadra neste período o marco do acordo firmado entre o presidente Campos Sales e os governadores estaduais para impedir a eleição das oposições no Legislativo Federal. Uma tese até hoje consolidada na historiografia política e que em geral tributa o desfecho autoritário daquele regime à cristalização dos efeitos do referido pacto, mais conhecido como politica dos governadores. O presente trabalho investiga a suposta passividade dos parlamentares eleitos de 1900 em diante através do exame da composição partidária do Congresso Nacional e comportamento legislativo dos representantes em algumas questões cruciais valendo-se do estudo da Câmara dos Deputados. A hipótese de pesquisa parte do entendimento clássico e assume que a Casa não constituía uma importante arena decisória para se construir consenso, garantido de antemão. Contraintuitivos, os resultados mostram que as bancadas estaduais empossadas nas onze legislaturas abertas entre 1900 e 1930 tenderam majoritariamente ao unipartidarismo, mas nem por isso agiram de modo unânime, coeso e subserviente à orientação do governo, havendo espaço para obstrução e eventuais derrotas amargadas pelo Poder Executivo. Definitivamente, o parlamento não gozava de status marginal no regime como frequentemente se alega, mas configurava um foro de negociação central para a governabilidade. / The literature on the Brazilian First Republic (1891-1930) usually claims that the parliament lacked political power, due to an agreement made between President Campos Sales and state governors that prevented the oppositions from gaining representation in the federal legislature. A well-known thesis in the political historiography links the authoritarian nature of the regime to the effects of that pact, known as politics of governors. This dissertation assesses the supposed passivity of parliamentarians elected from 1900 on, by analyzing the party composition of the national Congress and the legislative behavior of representatives in some crucial issues, based on the study of the Chamber of Deputies. The research hypothesis is rooted on the classic interpretation and assumes that the House did not constitute an important decision-making arena for building consensuses, which were guaranteed beforehand. The results of the analyses reported in this dissertation are counterintuitive and show that the state benches of the eleven legislatures between 1900 and 1930 tended to be single-party, but did not act with unanimity, cohesion and subordination to the recommendations of the government, giving room to obstructions and defeats of the Executive. Definitely, the parliament was not a marginal player in the regime as is frequently claimed, but was rather a forum for negotiations with important consequences for governability.

Estudo sobre os programas Fale com o Deputado e Fale com a Ouvidoria da Câmara dos Deputados, a fim de se captarem representações, crenças e valores sobre a política. O trabalho assume a perspectiva de uma antropologia da política, desnaturalizando conceitos como democracia, participação e representação política, para captar as concepções dos sujeitos envolvidos no diálogo proposto pela Câmara dos Deputados, por intermédio desses canais de correio eletrônico. Assim, a tese não estuda os programas Fale com o Deputado e Fale com a Ouvidoria, mas nos programas. As mensagens enviadas, juntamente com os documentos produzidos pela Casa Legislativa acerca dos programas, bem como notícias e entrevistas com parlamentares e assessores sobre eles, são suportes de expressão de significados associados ao mundo da política, muitas vezes, concebidos como excludentes. Assim, eles são veículos de expressão, mas também de ação, que expõem combinações, normalmente contrapostas, por uma espécie de ficção construída em torno da noção de modernidade: indivíduo e pessoa, diretos e favores, particular e universal. Os documentos abordados revelam conciliações e embates discursivos que acenam para distintas maneiras de os atores fazerem a política, as quais acabam por revelar entendimentos sobre como se dá a gestão interna à Casa desses programas e questionamentos a respeito dos limites e possibilidades da Internet no fazer político

Estudo sobre os programas Fale com o Deputado e Fale com a Ouvidoria da Câmara dos Deputados, a fim de se captarem representações, crenças e valores sobre a política. O trabalho assume a perspectiva de uma antropologia da política, desnaturalizando conceitos como democracia, participação e representação política, para captar as concepções dos sujeitos envolvidos no diálogo proposto pela Câmara dos Deputados, por intermédio desses canais de correio eletrônico. Assim, a tese não estuda os programas Fale com o Deputado e Fale com a Ouvidoria, mas nos programas. As mensagens enviadas, juntamente com os documentos produzidos pela Casa Legislativa acerca dos programas, bem como notícias e entrevistas com parlamentares e assessores sobre eles, são suportes de expressão de significados associados ao mundo da política, muitas vezes, concebidos como excludentes. Assim, eles são veículos de expressão, mas também de ação, que expõem combinações, normalmente contrapostas, por uma espécie de ficção construída em torno da noção de modernidade: indivíduo e pessoa, diretos e favores, particular e universal. Os documentos abordados revelam conciliações e embates discursivos que acenam para distintas maneiras de os atores fazerem a política, as quais acabam por revelar entendimentos sobre como se dá a gestão interna à Casa desses programas e questionamentos a respeito dos limites e possibilidades da Internet no fazer político

Submitted by (lucia.rodrigues@ufrpe.br) on 2016-06-17T13:26:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Williams Andrade de Souza.pdf: 1540747 bytes, checksum: 0b1a45dd66884842ba5900f78e2383ad (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-17T13:26:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Williams Andrade de Souza.pdf: 1540747 bytes, checksum: 0b1a45dd66884842ba5900f78e2383ad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-28 / In this work, we discuss the administration of the Recife's House of Representatives in 1829 and 1849. Through several documents (laws, bills, municipal postures, meeting minutes, news from newspapers, official letters) and different bibliographical sources, we point out here some of the attempts to settle norms and civility brought about by The House of Representatives' agents (Representatives, inspectors, etc.) in search of settling the so-called "the city good government". Thus , we describe certain marks of the municipality work, its internal organization, the search for efficiency and administrative rationalization, some of the government tactics and disciplinary practices of the public space in a civilizable context (although such practices were not fully carried out in everyday life, especially because of the customs, traditions and Recife inhabitant's resistances constituted hindrances to them. However we presumed that the administration under the models of the use of norms and civility were marks of the municipality action and so resulting in influences and importance beyond its governmental/administrative functions, even the political and cultural ones as we had presumed. / Este trabalho tem como proposta basilar versar sobre a câmara municipal do Recife e sua administração nos anos de 1829 a 1849. Através da leitura e análise de variados documentos – leis, editais, posturas municipais, atas de reuniões, artigos, noticias de jornais, ofícios e fontes bibliográficas diversas, apontamos aqui alguns indícios e sinais –, como sugere Carlo Ginzburg, das tentativas de normatização e civilidade impetradas pelos agentes camarários na busca por estabelecer o chamado “bom governo da cidade”. Assim, narramos certas marcas da atuação da municipalidade, a sua organização interna, a busca pela eficiência e racionalização administrativa, algumas das táticas de governo e práticas de disciplinamento do espaço público num contexto civilizacional. Ainda que tal expediente não se exercesse plenamente no cotidiano social, principalmente porque os costumes, as tradições e as resistências dos recifenses eram rastros e entraves a tais anseios das elites ali alocadas. Não obstante, entrevemos que a administração sob os moldes da normatização e civilidade eram marcas da ação da municipalidade redundando em influências e importâncias para além das suas funções governativas/administrativas, até mesmo políticas e culturais, conforme conjeturamos.

Aujourd’hui, parler de « risques psychosociaux » est devenu monnaie courante. Grâce à la médiatisation fulgurante des suicides au travail, un tabou est enfin levé : le lieu de travail est un terrain hostile !Si le Code du travail n’en fait nullement référence, ces risques psychosociaux sont, semble-t-il, « des risques pour la santé crées par le travail à travers des mécanismes sociaux et psychiques », d’après la Circulaire ministérielle du 18 Avril 2002. Face à un tel vide juridique et parce que ces risques traduisent un malaise social tant sur le plan des relations individuelles que collectives de travail, est venu le temps de l’articulation de l’individuel et du collectif. C’est l’heure pour le législateur d’entrer en scène … / Today, talk about " psychosocial risks " has become commonplace. With the dramatic media coverage of suicides at work, a taboo is lifted: the workplace is an hostile place!If the Labour Code makes no reference about this phenomenon, these psychosocial risks are, as it appears, « the health risks created by working through social and psychological mechanisms », according to the Ministerial Circular of 18 April 2002. Faced with such a legal vacuum and because these risks reflect a social unrest both in individual and collective relationships of labor, it came time for the articulation of the individual and the collective. It's time for the legislature to step in …

Dans l’entreprise, la responsabilité de l’employeur découle classiquement de la reconnaissance de pouvoirs. Un tel constat peut-il être établi au sujet des représentants des salariés ? Répondre à cette question suppose que soit identifiée la nature des prérogatives qui sont confiées par le code du travail aux titulaires de mandat électifs, ou syndicaux, au sein de l’entreprise. Cette étude a donc pour objectif de proposer une qualification des attributions des représentants du personnel puis d’en tirer conséquence sur le plan de la responsabilité.L’analyse des caractéristiques de ces attributions conduit à rattacher celles-ci, pour l’essentiel,à la catégorie des droits-fonctions et à exclure souvent la qualification de pouvoir. Ce choix n’a cependant pas pour effet d’écarter toute responsabilité du titulaire du mandat, comme on aurait pu le supposer. La qualification de droit-fonction appelle un régime de responsabilité original et particulièrement adapté à la mission des représentants des salariés au sein de l’entreprise. Elle permet, notamment, de sanctionner le manquement au devoir d’agir.L’absence de pouvoir des représentants du personnel ne s’accompagne donc pas d’une totale immunité. / In the business world, the liability of the employer or its representatives is related to their powers. Is it the same concerning the staff representatives ? Answering this question need to determine the nature of the powers available to the mandate holders. Thus, the aim of thisstudy is to propose a classification of the functions of staff representatives, as presented in theLabour regulations. Analyzing their nature leads to put them essentially in the category offunction-rights and often not in the category of the powers. The consequence is not, as expected, the rejection of any responsibility. The label of function-rights leads to an original system of liability, which is able to punish the default of duty to act. The lack of power ofstaff representatives does not mean immunity.

Companies from multiple branches use as one way to offer their products and services network of sales representatives. This thesis study mainly designing process of such network and process of planning day to day routes of sales representatives with focus on minimizing cost caused by their work. For designing such network set covering problem model and matching problem model were used. For planning sales representatives routes travelling salesman problem, multiple salesperson travelling salesman problem, vehicle routing problem, nearest neighbor heuristic and authors own solution were used. Usage of multicriterial decision making is briefly mentioned as tool for managing such network on examples of equipment selection. As demonstration on real case, data from Tata Global Beverages (Jemča) company were used.

This thesis seeks to contribute to the literature by studying the impact of a legislators gender on health and public security policies passed in the Brazilian Congress and whether such policies are aligned with voters preferences. Evidences have shown that women face stronger barriers to being elected as compared to their male counterparts (Lawless 2015; Speck and Mancuso 2014) and they face a complex and demanding electoral playing field when running for re-election (Palmer and Simon, 2010). My hypothesis is that female politicians need to establish their credibility by proposing public policies in masculine areas, such as public security. Once a congresswoman has political experience, as a mayor, state deputy or another office, she risks making policy more aligned with female voter preferences. Using data from a national survey and a low-income voter survey, I analyze whether male and female Brazilian voters differ in the priority they assign to health and security policies. This enables me to predict what effects gender representation should have on health and public security policy choices. Then, I examine the differences in the types of health and public security budget amendments sponsored by male and female legislators. Finally, I analyze the impact of a politicians gender conditional on experience in politics. With these results, I compare the preferences and priorities of male and female voters with the representatives priorities and see if they correspond. Employing logistic regressions, the voter surveys analyses show that female voters do not present different policy preferences than male voters. Moreover, the results of the budget amendments analysis using linear regressions suggest that (i) female deputies do not focus more on health policy than their male counterparts, and (ii) female deputies that are professional politicians allocate less resource for security policy than male professional deputies. / Esta dissertação busca contribuir com a literatura estudando o impacto do sexo do deputado nas políticas públicas de saúde e segurança aprovadas no Congresso brasileiro, e se tais políticas estão alinhadas com as preferências dos eleitores. A literatura tem mostrado que mulheres enfrentam fortes barreiras para serem eleitas se comparado aos homens (Lawless 2015; Speck e Mancuso 2014) e elas também enfrentam um complexo e exigente jogo eleitoral quando concorrem à reeleição (Palmer e Simon 2010). Minha hipótese é de que deputadas precisam estabelecer sua credibilidade propondo políticas públicas em áreas masculinas, tal como segurança pública. Uma vez que a deputada tenha experiência política, como prefeita, deputada federal ou um outro cargo político, ela se arriscará fazendo política mais alinhada com as preferências das eleitoras. Utilizando dados de um survey nacional e de um survey com eleitores de baixa renda, eu analiso se as eleitoras e os eleitores brasileiros apresentam diferentes prioridades com relação a políticas de saúde e de segurança. Com esses resultados, eu posso predizer quais os efeitos a representação de homens e mulheres deveria ter sobre a escolha de políticas públicas de saúde e segurança. Então, eu analiso as diferenças nos tipos de emendas orçamentárias de saúde e de segurança que são propostas pelos deputados e deputadas. Finalmente, eu analiso o impacto do sexo do parlamentar condicional à experiência na política. Com estes resultados, eu comparo as preferências e prioridades de eleitores e eleitoras com as prioridades dos parlamentares e vejo se elas correspondem. Empregando regressão logística, a análise dos surveys mostra que eleitoras não apresentam diferentes preferências políticas que os eleitores. Além disso, os resultados da análise das emendas orçamentárias utilizando regressão linear sugere que (i) deputadas não priorizam política de saúde mais que seus colegas o fazem; e (ii) deputadas que são políticas profissionais alocam menos recursos para política de segurança do que fazem os deputados profissionais.