This Master's thesis is focusing on why the United States of America never ratified the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. It is analysing the prevailing arguments which were used in 1982, which led to President Ronald Reagan never ratifying the Convention. As well as why the same thing happened in 1994 when the United Nations agreed on an Update to the Convention. Then the thesis is focusing on crucial parts of the Convention, which are part of the arguments for or against the ratification of the Convention, as well as those which have a great influence on the American approach to the high seas. Furthermore, this thesis is trying to offer a current insight into the problematic of why the United States still did not ratify the Convention, despite the fact that they used the Convention as an explanation why they patron the high seas as well as the right of innocent passage. At the same time, the findings are then looked at from the perspective of the South China Sea, which is a region the United States monitor. This last part is attempting to do several things. First, it is explaining the issue of the South China Sea and the interest of the United States in it. Then it is looking at the way by which the United States try to promote their interests in the region on how the fact them...

The paper is dedicated to the comprehensive analysis of Chinese migration policy in the context of China's modernization process. The author reveals the key factors of the «new» Chinese migration’s formation and development and also passes in review the fundamental objectives of China's migration policy and its role in solving the pressing issues of economic policy. / Работа посвящена комплексному анализу развития миграционной политики Китая в контексте процессов модернизации страны. Автор выявляет ключевые факторы формирования и развития «новой» китайской миграции, а также рассматривает основные направления миграционной политики КНР и ее роли в решении актуальных вопросов экономической политики страны.

No description available.

Im Idealfall bilden die Kopenhagener Kriterien zusammen mit dem Art.-7-Verfahren EUV einen lückenlosen Schutzmechanismus der EU-Werte. Die Verfassungskrisen in Ungarn und Polen haben allerdings nicht nur die Schwächen des Art.-7-Verfahren aufgedeckt, sondern auch die Frage aufgeworfen, ob die gegenwärtige Anwendungsweise des Kopenhagener Mechanismus ausreichend ist. Da das Beitrittsverfahren an sich Regierung-zentrisch ist, ist es offenkundig, dass dieses Verfahren nicht viel dazu beiträgt, die Bürger in den politischen Prozess ihres Landes einzubinden und die Zivilgesellschaft zu stärken. Es dauert eine gewisse Zeit, bis die konstitutionelle Grundwerte in die Herzen der Bürger eines neulich demokratisierten Landes gebracht werden. Die EU wurde allerdings dadurch unter Zeitdruck gesetzt, dass sie die Osterweiterung in einem relativ kurzen Zeitraum vollenden musste, um die Gunst der Stunde für ein vereintes Europa nutzen können. Der aktuellen Zustand der EU entspricht dem echten Bund im Schmittschen Sinn. Die Substanz der Homogenität in einem echten Bund ist das Produkt des Zusammenspiels der Verfassungsordnung des Bundes und seiner Mitglieder. Daraus ergibt sich, dass mit jedem Beitritt eines neuen Mitgliedstaats die Verfassungsidentität der EU mit einer neuen Verfassungsidentität angereichert und wesentlich geändert wird. Wenn man die Eingriffskapazität der EU in die innerstaatlichen Verfassungsordnungen über die heutige Intensität hinaus noch verstärken will, darf man die politische Natur der Werte-Frage in einem echten Bund nicht außer Acht lassen. Der Priorisierung der politischen Kriterien vor den wirtschaftlichen Kriterien, mit der die EU die Beitrittsverhandlungen durchgeführt hat, ist für Taiwans China-Politik ebenso wichtig. Eine entscheidende Aufgabe für Taiwan ist, klar zu machen, dass Taiwan politische Verhandlungen nur mit einem Ansprechpartner führen wird, der die gleichen politischen Werte einhält. / In the course of developing a general theory aiming at reversing and preventing the deterioration of political values in the European and East-Asian context, this study answered two sets of questions. First, on the empirical level, how reasonable and effective are the current pre-accession evaluations? Regarding the existing deterioration in the post-accession context, does it reflect any short coming in the way the EU implements the Copenhagen Criteria? Since Taiwan has not established such monitoring mechanism yet, what are the damages already done to Taiwan’s constitutional values? Second, on the normative level, this study followed two very different approaches. On the one hand, it clarified where the limits of judicial solution to this problem are. The fact that the sanction procedures prescribed in the current Art. 7 TEU take the form of collective actions revealed that what is at stake here is a shared value system. On the other hand, this study took into account the interaction between law and politics. The accession of new member states, as well the sanction against member states which failed to respect the political values of the Union, are in essence political decisions of the European Union. Since Taiwan needs to set up political conditions for it negotiations with China, the task is highly political, too. By identifying elements that caused or prevented the deterioration of political values, this study proposed suggestions for correcting and preventing deterioration by understanding its operation. A protective mechanism for Taiwan’s political values can create a reverse “lock-in effect.” By enunciating stringent negotiation guidelines and a code of conduct for Taiwanese government that requires cautiousness and vigilance, this mechanism will place the cross-strait negotiations under a legal framework which ensures that any given Taiwanese government could not sacrifice Taiwan’s constitutional values in exchange for advancing its political agenda.

由於中國大陸對企業境內上市的嚴苛要求與外商投資的產業限制，新興互聯網企業不得不訴諸境外上市融資。根據美國會計準則關於「可變利益實體」的規定，新浪網開創以搭建可變利益實體架構實現境外上市的模式成為21世紀初中國大陸互聯網及其他產業上市融資的不二選擇。可變利益實體架構中，境外上市主體與境內運營實體通過協議達成控制關係，將後者營運狀況併入前者財報，滿足其境外上市條件。近年中，支付寶違約、沃爾瑪併購1號店等事件引發法律界、財經界對VIE架構的關注。2015年來，《中華人民共和國外國投資法（草案徵求意見稿）》的公佈，《工業和信息化部關於放開線上資料處理與交易處理業務（經營類電子商務）外資股比限制的通告》（簡稱「工信部196號文」）的公佈，以「暴風科技」為代表的紅籌股回歸現象，都給VIE架構帶來變局。 本文從VIE架構的產生背景出發，梳理其發展狀況，釐清其概念，歸納其特點，分析其所涉法律問題與風險，探討其監管設計，意圖使讀者對中國大陸協議控制下的可變利益實體架構這一法律現象有全面的把握。

中共自1979年推行「改革開放」政策，其社會主義市場經濟進入快速成長軌道，隨著綜合國力的日漸崛起，牽動著亞太區域乃至國際地緣政治的變化，並引發周邊國家對其國家戰略及軍事意圖產生疑慮，即使中共一再闡述「和平發展」及透過對話方式，以期化解各國對其崛起發展的疑懼，但由於開放資訊程度的不透明，在短期內迭起的「中國威脅論」難以改觀。 盱衡當今全球局勢，「中」美關係的發展確是重要考量因素。美國當前全球戰略與其國家安全利益，即是防止區域霸權崛起，威脅美國的區域安全利益。面對中共的崛起，美國己展開「重返亞洲」再平衡策略等一系列的遏制舉措，中共則展現企圖掌控亞太霸權的動機極其明顯。中共與美國戰略利益衝突勢難避免，可見未來的「中」美關係將更為嚴峻，這是中共第五代領導人習近平上台後及美國總統歐巴馬第二任期內的極大挑戰。從區域政治、經濟、安全的視角，無論是亞太區域權力競合、經濟資源開發或軍事策略運作、東海及南海主權爭議等，在在影響「中」美戰略競逐與形勢消長。 美國自2008年全球金融風暴之後，經濟頹勢與財政困頓，而中共的市場經濟持續發展，對於美國恢復經濟動能十分重要。由於經濟的互賴日漸加深，雙方處於一種既競爭又合作的關係。在此種競合交錯的複雜環境下，美國重返亞洲的策略布局，已然被中共視為遏制其崛起的一大挑戰。因此，全力在經濟、外交與軍事上採取各種反制的作為。在「中」美戰略競逐的新形勢下，中共應可體認自身實力與限制因素，在國際戰略情勢中，尋求對自己最有利的位置。 / Since the People’s Republic of China (PRC) released the “Chinese Economic Reform” in 1979, its socialism-oriented market economy has gone into a fast-growing orbit. With the rise of comprehensive national power, PRC has influenced the shape of Asia-Pacific region, even the global geopolitics, and resulted in the neighboring countries’ doubt on its national strategies and military intentions. Although PRC seeks to dissolve other countries’ doubt and fear through expounding on its peaceful development and dialogue, the opacity of information makes it difficult to change their views in a short time. The development of China-United States relations is indeed a major consideration in current global situation. The global strategies and national security interests of United States are to prevent the rise of regional hegemony from threatening its regional security interests. Facing the rise of PRC, United States has implemented rebalancing strategy “Pivot to Asia” as one of the containment measures. On the other hand, the motivations which China is competing for the leadership in Asia-Pacific are obvious. The conflict of strategic interests between PRC and United States is inevitable, and their relations will be more difficult in the foreseeable future. It will be a great challenge for Xi Jinping’s administration, the PRC fifth leadership generation, and United Sates President Obama’s second term. In the perspective of regional politics, economics and security, whether the power competition in Asia-Pacific, development of economic resources, implementation of military strategies, or the sovereignty disputes in the East and South China Sea, they are all influencing the increase and decrease of the strategic competition and situation between China and United States. Since the global financial crisis in 2008, the economy and finance of United States have suffered from recession. However, the market economy of PRC is continuing to grow and plays an important role to provide momentum for United States’ economy to recover. Due to the deepening economic interdependence, the relations of both sides can be competitive and cooperative. PRC has regarded Unites States’ “Pivot to Asia ”strategy as a challenge to contain it’s rise and therefore implemented economic, diplomatic, and military countermeasures. In the new situation of China-United States strategic competition, the PRC shall be aware of its strength and limitations to find its most strategic position in the international strategic circumstances.

This thesis deals with the issue of actual state of bilateral relations between the EU and the PRC. The aim of this thesis is to answer question, whether diversity of actorness which occurs in cooperation between the EU and the PRC affects current form and content of their bilateral relations. The theoretical part applies two different approaches to the topic of actorness --theories of international relations and the theory of international law. The empirical part is based on an analysis of particular primary documents, adopted by these two parties. At first is performed an analysis of the EU external relations with the PRC in terms of their historical development which is followed by SWOT analysis which determines current content and form of their bilateral relationship. Based on research findings from this SWOT analysis the thesis suggests ten recommendations for EU-PRC relationship.

Apart from rapid economic growth, China has also experienced significant demographic changes over the past few decades. The People's Republic of China's family planning policies led to a sharp drop in the fertility rate. This MS Thesis aims to assess the possible consequences of the family planning policies on future growth of Chinese economy. The theoretical part defines population policy, assess the connections between population growth and economic growth and deals with the development of population theory over the years. The analytical part describes the family planning policy in China, its principles and instruments. Next it identifies the possible consequences of the demographic changes caused by the drop in fertility rate. The last part of the thesis focuses on two economically most severe consequences - population ageing and shrinking working age population - and evaluates its implications on future growth of Chinese economy.

In the Indian Ocean Region, China's economic and strategic interests are converging as many of its investments lie along the vital ocean routes needed to literally and figuratively fuel its growing economy. The rollout of Xi Jinping's Belt and Road Initiative, against the backdrop of, and in line with this convergence, has raised concerns about the military-strategic utility of various infrastructure projects. The increased economic connectivity that drives the Belt and Road has inherent strategic consequences, but the degree to which geostrategic factors drive investments divides analysts. Some believe that certain ports have been purposefully selected as future bases for China's navy. To address the difficulty of comprehending China's foreign policy decisions, this thesis draws on a neoclassical realist interpretation of international relations, and uses geographical location, collective memory, strategic culture, and domestic politics to develop a better understanding of Chinese policymakers' perceptions of their international security environment. This study develops methodology to evaluate the strategic value of a site in context to different basing strategies. The work sheds light on how China views its future position in the world by deciphering intentions behind Chines investments in ports...

A current topic of international debate among western geopolitical scholars concerns whether recent demonstrations of Chinese naval power represent China's adoption of an outwardly aggressive maritime strategy which might require a reactive change of approach by western nations in dealing with Southeast Asian trading interests. This paper analyzes recent developments in Chinese maritime strategy in order to determine whether the strategy is actually offensive or defensive. Drawing on a realist interpretation of international relations, a geo- strategic evaluation of the Chinese state, and a detailed understanding of the principles of maritime strategy, this paper addresses the inherent difficulty in distinguishing between offensive and defensive maritime strategies given that maritime states naturally develop power-projection forces in order to protect their Sea Lanes of Communication and maritime commerce. In an effort to discern the strategic intent underlying China's modern naval activity, this paper establishes an independent vision of China's optimal defensive maritime strategy based on the state's current threat environment, and compares those results against recent investments in China's naval power. By examining the congruency of these two positions, this work offers a contextualized...