The South China Sea has been already for several centuries the root of a dispute among states neighbouring along its borders, namely the People's Republic of China (China), Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia, Brunei, and Malaysia. Since the Sea is very geopolitically and geostrategically important, China attempts to claim itself to be a sovereign. However, its activities face the demands of other states, especially Vietnam and the Philippines, which are also interested in gaining control over the islands in the South China Sea. For that reason, the dispute still persists, and the continuous activities of all concerned countries have created an endless spiral of events in which it is difficult to distinguish between the action and the reaction of individual actors in the dispute. My diploma thesis therefore focuses on the analysis of actions of the three selected countries, China, Vietnam, and the Philippines, from the perspective of structural realism that is split into two contradictory streams, defensive and offensive. Their different views on the world help me to clarify whether the behaviour of the chosen actors is defensive of offensive. For the analysis, the period from 2011 to 2018 was chosen. During that time, several major incidents have appeared between selected countries, especially...

The doctoral thesis focuses on the People's Republic of China's influence in international relations. It follows two main research objectives, a theoretical and an empirical one. The first goal is to more firmly establish the concept of influence and distinguish it from power, the second is to analyze China's influence in the Czech Republic before, during and after the 'restart' of Czech-China relations in 2012. The thesis rests on the idea of a conceptual 'filter' through which power (conceptualized as ability) passes on its way to becoming influence. As a result, the effects of policies implemented by an actor who aims to exert a power on another actor are co-dependent not only on its power, but also the perception of the actor which is being influenced. The thesis claims that in case of a significant distance (defined geographically or otherwise) between 'the sender' and 'the receiver', perception matters more as it has greater ability to amplify or decrease the effects of the sender's power - i.e. the influence. The latter objective aims at explaining the methods the People's Republic of China uses to impose its interests on others and the receivers' reactions to such efforts. The thesis uses a case study of the Czech Republic as a country where China's influence is just getting established and...

The present PhD thesis studies political, social and nationalist influences on the historiography of traditional Chinese astronomy written in two different periods, in the pre- war and war-time Chinese Republic (1911-1949) and in the early People's Republic of China (1949-1966). After closer examination of the works on history of Chinese astronomy written in these two periods it is apparent that in many of them Chinese historical astronomical achievements are amplified. It is a representation of encouragement of the nation's self- confidence. This phenomenon is a result of certain political and social influences that had certain development and will be researched by this thesis. For the first period, the works of Zhu Wenxin 朱文鑫 (1883-1939), the most prolific pre-war historian of Chinese astronomy, as well as the works of his several pre-war and war-time fellow astronomers are studied. For the second period, mainly the works of Xi Zezong 席泽宗 (1927-2008), the most significant post-war historian of Chinese astronomy, are focused. For the first period, the questions that we aim at are the primary motivation of the establishment of the modern historiography of Chinese astronomy in 1920s after the establishment of Chinese Astronomical Society and the relation of the research principles and topics...

By looking at the reactions of Russian actors regarding the development of the Belt and Road Initiative of the People’s Republic of China in Central and Eastern Europe, this dissertation presents new theoretical and empirical findings that can be used extensively in the fields of Area and Global Studies, as well as practical policymaking. In this context, the Russian Federation’s foreign policy in the region is understood as cumulative activity and strategy developed by the government of Russia regarding the relationship with other countries that are being impacted by multiple internal and external factors. In order to understand a complex relationship between Russian, Chinese, and Central-Eastern European actors, this study employs uniquely created methods focusing on analyzing the reactions of the relevant Russian policymakers, as well as literature, documents, and statistical data. The reactions are also collected via extensive reflection of interviews and primary source material. In this framework, the areas of Russian interests directly related to and operationalized in Central-Eastern Europe are identified, and those affected by the Belt and Road Initiative the most are researched. The study’s results highlight the many discourses and contradictions when contrasting portrayal and perceptions against statistical data. Since none of these areas were analyzed under these circumstances before, many characterizations about the nature of the Initiative, perception of the actors’ behavior, understanding of the positioning of Russia within contemporary geopolitical realities, and many other aspects have been broadened. That leads to a better comprehension of the mechanisms and networks between the companies and political actors based in the Russian Federation, the People's Republic of China, and Central-Eastern Europe, the effects of their interdependencies and relationship, and general international relations. This research demonstrated a tension of interests within the Russian expert community when assigning securitization to the Belt and Road Initiative sections that affect Russia and East-Central Europe. They are recognized as intertwined with internal politics, economics, geopolitical competitiveness, and international strategy and are thus appropriately employed when reacting to and debating them.

特約條款於我保險法之體例中始終為一灰色地帶，不僅立法原意付之闕如，學術探究與實務應用亦呈二極化，學說上之論述多謂與英美法中之warranty相當，惟深入以視，英美法中之warranty可大致區分為海上保險之warranty與非海上保險之warranty，細分之又有數種迥異之類型，相較於我國之特約條款，於意義上並無法完全契合；於效力上亦有所扞格；加以實務界所應用之特約條款林林而群，種種而生，與我保險法之規定亦有矛盾，接踵而至的疑問，激盪出筆者澎湃之思緒，是以筆者乃自我期許能自不同之角度切入以觀，由比較中知其所異，由質疑中求其真意，不為任何權威所左右，所有之論述皆立於制度之原創性，希能抽絲剝繭，以明特約條款於我國法上之立意、內涵、功能，亦希冀實務界能藉本論文，掙脫出文字之泥淖與制式之束縛，俾能導正其觀念上之繆誤，以杜爭議，筆者擬分為六章論述: 首章述明本論文之研究動機、目的、方法及其範圍。第二章則以特約條款之立法沿革與立法目的為主軸，求諸立法文獻與學者意見，初探其核心，再輔以各國之立法例，並以對價平衡、特約條款之內容、warranty之立意等不同角度，切入其核心。第三章乃深入探究特約條款之法律性質與法律定位，相較英美法上warranty之分類與學者立論，相互其間是否全然契合無缺，並提出管見以測其圓融性，加以與其他相關法律概念如除外、不包括條款、據實說明義 務、基本條款、定型化契約條款等之比較，以明其相互間之差異與關係，使特約條款之真意與缺陷得以完全現形。第四章為效力層面之探究，首觀英美法上warranty之效力，次以我保險法上之架構，分為積極效力與消極效力，於積極效力之架構下探求主體義務人、違反特約條款之效力與解約後之相關問題；於消極效力之架構下，則論及例外事由與情事變更原則之應用，併論特約條款效力上之嚴厲性與矛盾性。第五章係就實務運作之情形以為研析，是否實務上應用之特約條款皆符我保險法上之意義？其效力是否與我保險法有所扞格？是否亦合其立法原意？是以筆者擬將其予以類型化，以明實務曲解特約條款之處。第六章，筆者綜合前述五章之相關爭點提出結論並給予建議，以竟全功。

教廷與中華民國之外交關係 （一九四二年至二○一二年）: 歷史、挑戰與前景 / Diplomatic relations between the Republic of China (ROC) and the Holy See were established in 1942. However, after a devastating civil war, the Chinese Communists gained control of Mainland China in 1949 and established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Beijing. As a consequence, the Nationalist government of the ROC was forced to move from Nanking to Taipei, Taiwan. The Papal representative continued to remain at his post but the Communist government expelled him in 1951. In the following year, the Holy See decided to relocate its Apostolic Nunciature to Taipei and maintain its ties with the ROC. The tensions in the Strait between the two Chinese governments have put the Sino-Vatican relations to several tests. Indeed, the Vatican desires to normalize its relations with the PRC but is also confronted with two major issues imposed by Beijing which requests the direction of the Catholic Church in China and the end of the Holy See’s recognition of Taipei. It would strike a serious blow to Taipei if the Supreme government of the Catholic Church decides to break off diplomatic relations. It will also create a fragile position for Taiwan on the international diplomatic stage since the Holy See, at present, is the only European ally to officially recognize the ROC government. The relations of the Holy See with Taiwan are characterized by a mutually productive and cooperative partnership, especially in the promotion of human rights, culture, world peace and advocacy of religious freedom and alleviation of global poverty. This thesis aims to clarify the triangular situation between the Vatican, the ROC and the PRC and to show the challenges as well as the dilemmas the Holy See is confronted with in order to normalize its relations with China. First, this study explains the international status of the Holy See and its specific mission. Then, through a diachronic analysis, this thesis traces the evolution of Sino-Vatican relations to later on identify the difficulties the Holy See has to face across the Taiwan Strait. Then, it will analyze the efforts of Pope Benedict XVI to initiate a rapprochement with China and all the issues that have to be solved before negotiating any diplomatic ties. Based on this analysis, this thesis will show that the PRC and the Holy See are still at a stalemate and that the Vatican won’t move its Nunciature from Taipei in the foreseeable future.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / American military relations with the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) have been in a constant state of flux since their rocky beginnings during the Second World War. Since the Tiananmen Square incident of June 1989, efforts to reestablish a positive working relationship between the U.S. Department of Defense and the PLA have been restrained by domestic political pressures within both polities and a number of crises which increased political tensions between both nations' governments. Due to reactive policies implemented by both governments, engagement programs between the United States and PRC have yielded few tangible benefits to either side in the past fifteen years. This thesis addresses the history of U.S. military engagement with the PRC and discusses past American policies of "containment" and "engagement" of China. Case studies concerning American engagement with Taiwan and Thailand reveal the benefits of close links with partners in Asia and provide programs for possible emulation in the U.S.-PRC relationship. Through managed engagement programs such as systematic security summits, educational exchanges and partnership operations initiatives, a stable defense dialogue between American and Chinese militaries can yield significant results in reducing tensions between their two governments and averting future crises through improved communication and cooperation. / Major (Select), United States Air Force

& KEYWORDS The topic of this thesis is a metatextual analysis of representative Chinese publications about sport published in the post-Olympic era. Together they offer a comprehensive perspective of the sport in China. The thesis employs critical approach to examine Chinese perception of their own history, Chinese motivation to develop competitive sports, the state- run sports system in China, as well as various problems and challenges lying ahead of Chinese sport, ready to be tackled. Part of the thesis offers an analysis of linguistic and ideological aspect of the Chinese publications. The thesis also encounters the topic of the rise of China (i.e. People's Republic of China) and offers brief explanations in relation to the main topic rather than in a broader context. Keywords: modern history of China, history of sport, sport in China, competitive sports, state-run sports system, language & ideology, Marxism, People's Republic of China

La presente investigación busca determinar los factores que influenciaron en la evolución de las exportaciones de las tablillas y frisos para parqué sin ensamblar del Perú a la República Popular de China durante los años 2009 - 2017. En el primer capítulo, se estudiarán conceptos relacionados al comercio exterior, desde las teorías de liberalización hasta acuerdos comerciales como el de Perú con China; aspectos relacionados a las tablillas y frisos para parqué, factores críticos de éxito, internos y externos. Entendemos que la firma del Tratado de Libre Comercio origina la desgravación, lo cual significa que los productos de ambos países tendrán una eliminación progresiva, parcial o total de los aranceles para ambos mercados. De acuerdo a lo mencionado anteriormente y relacionándolo con la teoría del liberalismo comercial, entendemos que luego de 9 años desde la entrada en vigencia del Tratado, encontramos en base al modelo de estudio cualitativo que existen otros factores que tienen más relevancia con respecto a la firma del TLC, los cuales se desarrollarán más adelante. Asimismo, en el segundo capítulo se expondrá el planteamiento de la investigación tanto como el problema, hipótesis y objetivos principales y específicos. En el tercer capítulo se expondrá el método de investigación cualitativo exploratorio porque se quiere conocer mediante datos empíricos, cuales eran para los entrevistados los factores determinantes en la evolución de las exportaciones de las tablillas y frisos para parqués sin ensamblar, todo ello con a través del recojo y el análisis sistemático de datos. Además, mediante esta investigación cualitativa se determinará la muestra, categorías, procedimiento, procesamiento de los resultados, la clasificación de las categorías y las limitaciones que se presentaron en la investigación. En el cuarto capítulo se presentan los hallazgos de la investigación en relación con las entrevistas realizadas a cada participante. Se analizó de manera empírica la información y se plasmó en tablas de acuerdo con el número de menciones por factor para determinar a los que tuvieron mayor influencia en la evolución de las exportaciones. Finalmente, en las conclusiones se presenta el factor que tuvo mayor impacto para luego determinar si se cumplieron los objetivos de la investigación y la hipótesis. / The present investigation seeks to determine the factors that influenced the evolution of the exports of the slats and friezes for parquet without assembling from Peru to Popular Republic of China during the years 2009 - 2017. In the first chapter, concepts related to foreign trade will be studied, from liberalization theories to trade agreements such as Peru with China; Aspects related to the slats and friezes for parquet, critical success factors, internal and external. We understand that the signing of the Free Trade Agreement results in the elimination of tariffs, which means that the products of both countries will have a progressive, partial or total elimination of tariffs for both markets. According to the aforementioned and related to the theory of commercial liberalism, we understand that after 9 years since the entry into force of the Treaty, we find based on the qualitative study model that there are other factors that have more relevance with respect to the signature of the FTA, which will be developed later. Also, in the second chapter the research approach will be exposed as well as the main and specific problem, hypothesis and objectives. In the third chapter the method of exploratory qualitative research will be exposed because we want to know through empirical data, which were for the interviewees the determining factors in the evolution of the exports of the slats and friezes for parquet without assembling, all with the I collect and systematic data analysis. In addition, this qualitative research will determine the sample, categories, procedure, processing of the results, the classification of the categories and the limitations that were presented in the investigation. In the fourth chapter, the findings of the research are presented in relation to the interviews conducted with each participant. The information was analyzed in an empirical way and was reflected in tables according to the number of mentions by factor to determine those that had the greatest influence on the evolution of exports. Finally, in the conclusions, the factor that had the greatest impact is presented to determine if the objectives of the research and the hypothesis were met. / Tesis

La République Populaire de Chine a été établie le 1er Octobre 1949, cela met fin au régime de Chiang Kaï-shek en Chine continentale. À ce moment-là, le gouvernement français commence à négocier officiellement pour reconnaître la République populaire de Chine. Vivant dans deux camps hostiles, pourquoi la France est-elle prête à reconnaître le régime de Mao Tse-tung en 1949 ? Le 27 janvier 1964, la Chine populaire et la France ont publié simultanément un communiqué diplomatique à Pékin et à Paris. La France est devenue le premier pays occidental majeur à établir des relations diplomatiques au niveau des ambassadeurs avec la République populaire de Chine en 1964. Que se passe-t-il au cours de ces 15 ans? Pendant cette période, les États-Unis jouent un rôle très important à la Guerre de l’Indochine, la Guerre de Corée, la Conférence de Genève, la question de Taïwan et la représentation des peuples chinois à l’ONU, et influence la politique européenne avec le plan Marshall. Après son retour en 1958, De Gaulle a la volonté de sauvegarder la souveraineté nationale, les intérêts nationaux et l’indépendance, et s’engage sur une route de décolonisation. À partir de 1962, la politique extérieure française devient plus active en Chine, et les deux pays commencent à négocier sur l’établissement des relations diplomatique après être parvenus à un consensus sur Taïwan, Algérie et États-Unis. L’établissement des relations diplomatiques sino-françaises n’est pas accidentelle, cela répond aux besoins politiques et diplomatiques et aussi à la tendance inévitable du développement historique dans la Guerre Froide. / The People’s Republic of China was established on 1 October 1949, which ended the regime of Chiang Kaï-shek in Chinese mainland. At that time, the French government began to negotiate officially la recoginization of the People's Republic of China. Living in two hostile camps, why France had the plan to recognize the regime of Mao Tse-tung in 1949? On January 27, 1964, People’s Republic of China and France simultaneously issued a diplomatic announcement in Beijing and Paris. France became the first major western country to establish diplomatic relations at ambassadorial level with the People’s Republic of China in 1964. Why France waited 15 years for recognizing PRC? What had happened during this 15 years? During this period, the United States played a very important role in the Indochina War, the Korean War, the Geneva Conference, the Taiwan question and the representation of China in the United Nations with launching the policy Marshall Plan. After the return of De Gaulle in 1958, he resolved to safeguard national sovereignty, national interests, and embarked on a road to decolonization. From 1962, French foreign policy became more active in China, and the two countries began to negotiate on the establishment of diplomatic relations after reaching a consensus on Taiwan, Algeria and the United States. The establishment of Sino-French diplomatic relations is not accidental, which responds to political and diplomatic needs, and to the inevitable trend of historical development in the Cold War.