No livro XIX dA cidade de Deus, Agostinho refuta as definições ciceronianas de res publica e populus, fundamentadas na justiça, e reformula-as segundo uma concepção de amor. Tal empreendimento revela não somente as concepções distintas de justiça dos dois autores. Com efeito, ao ter de recusar as definições segundo o direito, Agostinho a um só tempo as compreende a partir de conceitos seus, tais como natureza, pecado, graça, virtude, tempo e eternidade, presença e transcendência, que se articulam e se constituem ao longo dA cidade de Deus juntamente com o conceito de amor. Nesse sentido, um conjunto de pressupostos subjaz à rejeição agostiniana das definições ciceronianas. Trata-se, aqui, de examinar o plano geral das obras Da república, de Cícero, e A cidade de Deus, de Agostinho, para compreender a irredutibilidade de suas filosofias entre si e por que Agostinho precisou redefinir aqueles termos políticos. / In The city of God, book XIX, Augustine refutes the ciceronian definitions of res publica and populus, founded on justice, and redefines both terms according to a conception of love. Such an enterprise reveals not only the authors distinct conceptions of justice. As a matter of fact, in having to critique the definitions according to the law, Augustine simultaneously understands them through concepts of his own, such as nature, sin, grace, virtue, time and eternity, transcendence and presence, which articulate and constitute themselves throughout The city of God along with the concept of love. Thus, a set of presuppositions underlies the authors rejection of the ciceronian definitions. This study aims, therefore, at examining the general plan of both authors works Ciceros On the Republic; Augustines The city of God in order to understand the irreducibility of their philosophies and why Augustine needed to redefine those political terms.

No livro XIX dA cidade de Deus, Agostinho refuta as definições ciceronianas de res publica e populus, fundamentadas na justiça, e reformula-as segundo uma concepção de amor. Tal empreendimento revela não somente as concepções distintas de justiça dos dois autores. Com efeito, ao ter de recusar as definições segundo o direito, Agostinho a um só tempo as compreende a partir de conceitos seus, tais como natureza, pecado, graça, virtude, tempo e eternidade, presença e transcendência, que se articulam e se constituem ao longo dA cidade de Deus juntamente com o conceito de amor. Nesse sentido, um conjunto de pressupostos subjaz à rejeição agostiniana das definições ciceronianas. Trata-se, aqui, de examinar o plano geral das obras Da república, de Cícero, e A cidade de Deus, de Agostinho, para compreender a irredutibilidade de suas filosofias entre si e por que Agostinho precisou redefinir aqueles termos políticos. / In The city of God, book XIX, Augustine refutes the ciceronian definitions of res publica and populus, founded on justice, and redefines both terms according to a conception of love. Such an enterprise reveals not only the authors distinct conceptions of justice. As a matter of fact, in having to critique the definitions according to the law, Augustine simultaneously understands them through concepts of his own, such as nature, sin, grace, virtue, time and eternity, transcendence and presence, which articulate and constitute themselves throughout The city of God along with the concept of love. Thus, a set of presuppositions underlies the authors rejection of the ciceronian definitions. This study aims, therefore, at examining the general plan of both authors works Ciceros On the Republic; Augustines The city of God in order to understand the irreducibility of their philosophies and why Augustine needed to redefine those political terms.

The objective was to design a new city hall for the biggest district of Brno: Brno-sever. The site determined for the new city hall is a brownfield of old barracks in Brno - Černá Pole. An important part of the task was to decide what to do with the whole area, and to find the ideal position for the nex city hall within this site. In my design, the hall is situated at the crossroad oh the Provazníkova, Jugoslávká and Mathonova street. The goal was not to overwhelm the environment, but to integrate this new building between the old and the new structure. The new city hall is remarkable by its size, mass and dark basalt facade. It is not much higher than the surrounding buildings and has only four floors. Groundfloor is dedicated to public acitivities (library, post office, community center) while the city hall itself occupies the three remaining floors.

Le mos maiorum est fondé sur la mémoire et a une nature orale. Le droit Quiritaire était essentiellement fondé sur les mores. Ceux-ci règlent les vies des familiae et des gentes patriciennes. Jusqu’à la rédaction des Douze Tables, le droit était oral et la connaissance et l’interprétation du droit étaient les prérogatives des pontifes. La nature orale de la tradition rend possible sa manipulation politique de la part des patriciens et, dans un deuxième temps, de la noblesse patricio-plébéienne. Ensuite, nous éclairons le passage du droit pontifical à la iurisprudentia laïque qui apparaît vers le IIIe siècle. Nous étudions aussi l’évolution des rapports entre l’auctoritas de la classe dirigeante et la revendication d’équité dans le domaine juridique adressée par le peuple. Nous mettons en lumière la crise de la tradition à l’époque tardo-républicaine. L’appel au mos maiorum par Cicéron et Salluste s’inscrit dans le projet de mettre en œuvre un renouvellement politique de la res publica sur un fondement moral. Le mos maiorum est évoqué dans l’espoir de revenir à la res publica des maiores. Toutefois, à cette époque, l’État s’est effondré et les citoyens ne sont pas à la hauteur de leurs ancêtres. Aussi bien Cicéron que Salluste sont conscients que la tradition ne peut pas constituer un modèle à leur époque. En effet, cette dernière a profondément changé au fil du temps. D’ailleurs, l’évocation du mos maiorum, est mise place aussi bien par les optimates que par les populares dans des buts politiques opposés. La tendance à l’individualisme répandue dans la société tardo-républicaine est la cause de l’effondrement de la res publica. / Mos maiorum is based on memory and it has an oral nature. The Quiritary Law was primarily based on mores. They regulated the the way of living both of familiae and patrician gentes. Prior to the writing of Twelve Tables, the law was oral and the knowledge as well as the interpretation of the law were the prerogatives of the pontiffs. The oral nature of the tradition makes it possible for the patricians and, then, for the patrician-plebeian nobility to provoke its political manipulation. Thereafter, we will enlighten the transition from the Pontifical Law to secular iurisprudentia, which appears approximately at the 3rd century BC. We will also clarify the evolution of relations between the auctoritas of the ruling class and the claim for equity in the legal area appealed by the people. We will shed light on the crisis of tradition in the late republican era. The calling to the mos maiorum by Cicero and Sallust is a part of the project to implement a political renewal of the res publica on a moral basis. Mos maiorum is mentioned in the hope of returning to the res publica of maiores. However, at that time, the state collapses and citizens are not equal to their ancestors. Both Cicero and Sallust are aware that tradition can not be a model in their time. Indeed, the latter has changed profoundly over time. Moreover, the evocation of the mos maiorum is put both by the optimates and by the populares for opposite political purposes. A tendency to widespread individualism in the late-republican society is the cause of the collapse of the res publica.

Zugl.: Mainz, Univ., Diss., 2004

En 1906 le royaume de Perse connut une révolution constitutionnelle qui lui a donné la première constitution écrite du pays. Durant les années où la révolution se prépare, la société civile ouvre un grand champ d’émergence des concepts modernes du droit public. L’œuvre de l’assemblée constituante de 1906, qui a donné naissance à la constitution et à son complément, en est un exemple par excellence. Dans cette thèse nous allons procéder à l’exploitation de l’œuvre de l’assemblée constituante pour y suivre la genèse et l’évolution des concepts de droit public. Nous allons chercher à travers les concepts principaux du droit public - représentation, égalité civique et égalité devant la loi - la conception qu'avaient les constituants de la Constitution. Nous allons aussi observer la notion de constitution à certains moments décisifs de la révolution, où par exemple les révolutionnaires appelleront le roi au serment pour protéger la constitution. Dans cette thèse nous assisterons aussi à un processus qui par le biais de la redéfinition des anciens concepts de droit public, fait naître les concepts modernes du droit public. Cette thèse en se référant à l’histoire constitutionnelle du pays vise à relever un défi du droit constitutionnel d’aujourd’hui en Iran. Un droit constitutionnel qui, dès sa naissance, ne prend pas au sérieux l’histoire de la discipline. Par cette thèse nous voulons mettre en valeur l’importance et la nécessité des études historiques dans l’enseignement ainsi que dans l’étude du droit constitutionnel. / In 1906 the Persian Kingdom witnessed a constitutional revolution which gave it its first written constitution. In the early years of the revolution, civil society opened a great field for the emergence of modern concepts of public law. The work of the Constituent Assembly of 1906, which gave birth to the Constitution and its Supplement, is a unique illustration of this. The present thesis proceeds to explain the work of the Constituent Assembly in order to follow the genesis and evolution of the principles of public law in Iran. Referring to the principal concepts of public law - representation, civic equality and equality before the law - we will attempt to find the particular conception that the constituents of the Constitution had of these concepts. We also explore the notion of constitution at certain key moments of the revolution, where, for example, the revolutionaries called the King to give oath for the safeguard of the Constitution. Further, the thesis explains the process by which modern concepts of public law were given birth through a redefinition of ancient concepts. By referring to constitutional history, the present study aims to expose the challenges to constitutional law in Iran today, a constitutional law which has failed to seriously account for the history of the discipline. The present study therefore aims to show the importance of, and need for, historical studies in the teaching and study of constitutional law in Iran.

L’œuvre de Tite-Live propose une histoire de la Res publica romaine depuis sa naissance jusqu’au tournant du premier siècle av. J.-C. où, selon les termes de l’auteur, « l’État se détruit sous l’effet de ses propres forces ». Au sortir d’une période de guerres civiles qui bouleversa en profondeur les repères politiques et sociaux, il s’agit pour l’historien de redéfinir l’identité politique de Rome en puisant dans les grands exemples du passé, à une époque où Auguste, en ramenant la paix, propose aussi, avec le Principat, un nouveau modèle d’exercice du pouvoir. Cette étude propose de relire l’Ab Vrbe condita comme une réflexion sur le pouvoir, un « discours », à une époque de profondes mutations. Retraçant le passé de la ville, l’historien exprime une pensée politique cohérente à travers ses commentaires, ses choix narratifs, et les discours qu’il attribue à différents personnages historiques. Celle-ci est le plus souvent proche de celle de Cicéron qui, du De Republica au De Officiis, offrait un cadre philosophique à la réflexion sur les institutions et les devoirs de l’homme d’État. Mais Tite-Live se la réapproprie en l’enrichissant des préoccupations politiques de son époque. Son récit de l’histoire de Rome s’inscrit principalement dans une défense de la libertas du peuple romain menacée par l’émergence d’un pouvoir personnel. Dans chaque situation, l’historien insiste sur les rapports complexes du dirigeant avec les institutions de la cité et le peuple de Rome. Par la mise en relation des exempla et des discours, Tite-Live propose un modèle de gouvernement unifié et cohérent fondé sur les vertus des dirigeants du passé et les valeurs collectives du peuple romain. / Livy’s body of work presents a history of the Roman Res publica from its beginnings to the turn of the first century. Civil wars had then deeply shaken the political and socials benchmarks and, while Augustus, after bringing peace back, was trying to impose a new political model with the Principate, it was the historian’s role to redefine Rome’s political identity through the use of well-known examples from the past. Livy’s From the Founding of the City may thus be read as a discourse about Roman power in a period of deep political change. The historian, as he tells the story of the city’s past, makes comments, narrative choices, and inserts into the historical figures’ speeches general remarks which help in many ways to grasp his political thinking. Most of the time, this thoughts are close to what can be read in Cicero’s political treatises. Cicero’s De Republica and De Officiis actually offered a philosophical frame of reference to political thinking, concerning the state institutions and the duties of state leaders. However, Livy develops his own theory and adds to Cicero’s political thought considerations on issues specific to his own time. Livy mainly defends the libertas of the Roman people against the emergence of personal power. In each and every situation, Livy sheds light on the complex relationships between the leaders and the state institutions and between the leaders and the Roman people. Linking exempla and speeches, Livy suggests a stable and coherent leadership model based upon the virtues of past political leaders and the collective principles of the Roman people.

The project deals with the design of the wine gallery and community center in smaller wine-growing village Strachotín, which is situated in the beautiful landscape under the hills, called "Pálavské vrchy", and also is on the edge of the magnificent waterwork - "Novomlýnské nádrže". The construction of the wine gallery and the community center is designed in the historical structure of the village, near the gothic church. The project follows up the analytical part, which dealt with the vision for the future development of the village Strachotín. The vision, which after thorough examination of the village included seventeen interventions of small or larger urban character, which would be beneficial for the development of the village and surroundings.

Proposal for reconstruction of an abandoned kindergarden to a new mutlifunctional building with comunity center, center for youth an children, organization for people with light mental disorders and Directorate of Social Services.

The ideas of Richard Sennett in his most influential book The Fall of Public Man from 1974 are many, but the main point is that the resolution of the lines between the public life and the private life has affected society, the democracy and individuals in a negative way. The main point of this essay is to understand the nature of Sennet’s thinking, ideas and philosophy and how they are connected. I am focusing on the true nature of the way he is formulating the issues and conflicts he is dealing with. Even though Sennett is a very influential thinker, very few people actually have analyzed his works, especially The Fall of Public Man. “Res publica” is the Roman expression of the bigger responsibility each citizen has in a society that goes beyond themselves. This is when you are a part of something bigger than yourself, your friends and your family, you are a part of a close connected community and society. You are not strangers to each other, you are all one. This is exactly the type of society that sociology professor of London School of Economics Richard Sennett means has gone away. Richard Sennett is often described as a person standing on the left on the political scale when it comes to economics and at the same time culturally conservative. The result of this essay shows that Richard Sennett blames industrial capitalism, secularism and urban planning for the new modern society when the distinction between public life and private life has gone away. This is the new kind of society in the western world where people shifted focus from an extrovert personality to an introvert one, a world where we are trapped in our own minds instead of stepping out of it and actually living in it. Many times, the sociology professor goes back to the mid 18th century to understand the thriving public life in Paris and London. My theoretical perspective is based upon Collingwoods thoughts about question and answer which you need to understand the question in order to understand the thinker's answer. You could call Sennett either a nostalgic or a very sharp critic of the modern world, it all depends on how much you resonate and believe in his ideas.