Texte remanié de: Tesi doct.--Tarragona--Universitat Rovira i Virgili, 1989.

La investigación se divide en tres partes. En la primera se hace referencia a los aspectos teóricos; en la segunda nos centramos en el proceso de industrialización y crecimiento del turismo y de los servicios en general en este territorio y, finalmente, en la tercera, abordamos los cambios geodemográficos, núcleo central de nuestra investigación. El trabajo acaba con unas conclusiones y una extensa bibliografía. La información se recoge básicamente a partir de datos de los Censos y Padrones de Habitantes.Partiendo de la hipótesis de que los cambios económicos implican transformaciones sociodemográficas, el presente estudio se centra en el proceso desencadenado en los municipios de la conurbación Tarragona-Reus (núcleo central del área metropolitana del Camp de Tarragona) a partir de los años 1960, como consecuencia de la localización de la industria petroquímica y el desarrollo de otras actividades del terciario, en particular el auge turístico que se produce en la Costa Dorada. Estos cambios económicos van a ocasionar una transformación integral del territorio y de las formas de vida de sus habitantes. Dentro de este cambio global, la Tesis se centra en los cambios demográficos. Diferenciamos dos fases en el proceso de transformación económica y demográfica en este territorio. Una primera fase que abarca la década de 1960 y la de 1970. En esos años, la fuerte actividad económica que se produce como resultado de las medidas centralizadoras derivadas del Plan de Estabilización de 1959 y de la llegada del capital foráneo, ocasionan la creación de polígonos industriales en este ámbito y la implantación de empresas multinacionales petroquímicas, a la vez que llega el capital público. Coincide con unos años de favorable coyuntura internacional. El crecimiento económico comporta un importante aumento del empleo. Ello ocasiona un incremento de la inmigración y también de ello se deriva un progresivo refuerzo del crecimiento natural hasta finales de la década de 1970. La inmigración comporta un aumento de la heterogeneidad. A la vez se produce un rejuvenecimiento demográfico. La población actúa tanto como factor de producción como de consumo. De tal manera que comporta generación de empleos en diferentes actividades. En cifras relativas es en el terciario donde más crece el empleo, a pesar de las fuertes inversiones industriales. Ello se ve reforzado aquí por la expansión turística y por el crecimiento de las funciones comercial y administrativa de Tarragona y Reas. En estos años se da una situación de pleno empleo y apenas varía la tasa de actividad femenina, a pesar del importante empleo generado.En la segunda fase que abarca desde 1980 hasta 1996, se producen nuevos cambios geodemográficos. El nuevo periodo viene marcado básicamente por las consecuencias de la crisis económica de los años setenta, la democratización del país y la entrada en la Unión Europea. La crisis económica afecta al empleo, en particular al industrial. No obstante desde mitad de los ochenta, se produce una recuperación económica y de nuevo a principios de los noventa se entra en recesión. En la conurbación continúan las inversiones en la Petroquímica y destaca al final del periodo la localización de Parque Temático Port Aventura. Es un periodo de fuerte expansión del terciario. El paro se convierte en un problema y afecta sobre todo a jóvenes y mujeres. Los saldos migratorios se reducen considerablemente e incluso son negativos en el primer quinquenio de los años ochenta. También cae el crecimiento natural por la progresiva reducción de las tasas de natalidad. Ello comporta un rápido envejecimiento de la población. Como consecuencia del proceso estudiado, a partir del estudio de la movilidad residencia- trabajo podemos comprobar el elevado nivel de autosuficiencia laboral existente en este territorio. / This research work is divided in three sections. The first section is an introduction to the theoretical aspects; the second one explains the process of industrialization and the growth of tourist and tertiary sector in the whole in the land. Finally, the third section is based on the geodemographic changes, which are the purpose of the research. This working paper offers some conclusions and a long bibliography at the end. The information has basically been gathered from the actual Census and the List of Official Population carried out by the Town Halls.Bearing in mind the hypothesis which states that economic changes lead to social and demographic alterations, this working paper focuses on the process undergone in the Tarragona-Reus conurbation (which is the core of the metropolitan area known as Camp de Tarragona) starting off in the 1960s, as a result of presence of the petrochemical industry and the development of other activities of the tertiary one, more particularly the thriving tourist activity on the Costa Dorada. All there economic changes are going to bear out a whole transformation both on the land and in the way of live of its inhabitants. Within this global framework, the present Thesis is focused on the demographic changes.We must distinguish two stages in the process of economic and demographic transformation in this territory.The first stage goes from the 1960s up to the 1970s. The thriving economic activity in that period is triggered by the Government's Plan de Estabilizacion along with investments from abroad and it also allows the creation of industrial plots and the presence of foreign petrochemical factories, in addition to local public investments. This process coincides with a period of propitious international situation. The economic development means a remarkable increase in employment. This leads to more immigration and a significant natural growth until the late 1970s. Immigration will cause a growing diversity in the origin of the population. The population is becoming much younger. On the whole the population is a factor of production and consumption. As a result, a lot of employments are created in the different activities. According to percentage, the tertiary sector generates more employment in spite of the strong industrial investments. This is reinforced here by the tourist growth and the developing trading and administrative business both in Tarragona and Reus. These years will see a situation of full employment and the female activity rate has hardly any change despite the significant amount employments. During the second stage, from 1980 until 1996, new geodemographic changes are produced. The most remarkable aspects of this period are the consequences of the economic crisis that took place in the seventies, the democratization of the country and the fact of becoming a member of the European Union. The economic crisis affects employment, especially regarding the industrial sector. However, from the mid eighties, there is a revival of the economic situation and again at the beginning of the nineties the economy was in recession. During the conurbation process there is still more investment on the petrochemical industry, giving special emphasis on the Port Aventura Theme Park at the end of the period. It is a period of great expansion of the tertiary sector. Unemployment becomes a very important problem an affects above all young people and women. Migratory balances are considerably reduced and they are even negative during the first quinquenium of the eighties. There is also decrease of the natural enlargement due to the progressive decline in the birth rate, which causes a quick ageing population. The study of the mobility of working-residence allows us to confirm the high level of, self-sufficiency working in this area.

En el segle XVIII Reus participa de forma activa amb el creixement demogràfic, econòmic i urbanístic de Catalunya, i esdevé la segona ciutat del Principat, quan passa d'uns 4.000 a més de 16.000 habitants el 1802. Expansió iniciada el segle anterior, amb el desenvolupament de les activitats manufactureres de la indústria de la llana, de la pell, de l'espart i la terrissa; i en el XVIII amb una aposta decisiva per la seda (que pren el lloc a la llana) i l'aiguardent, el comerç català del qual té com a port exportador el de Salou.Reus esdevé la capital comercial i econòmica del sud de Catalunya, amb un hinterland que abarca bona part del Camp de Tarragona, el Priorat, la Conca de Barberà, i s'allarga cap a la Ribera d'Ebre, Urgell i les Garrigues. És un centre generador de riquesa, que permet a un conjunt de comerciants acumular capitals i esdevenir nobles, i és focus d'atracció de l'excedent de mà d'obra rural.La classe dirigent local és també la més poderosa econòmicament i té un objectiu clar: fer la ciutat gran i moderna, i a la vegada beneficiar-se'n. Una de les vies d'assolir-ho, serà invertint en obra pública; un altre, exercint un control de les competències pròpies (tot el que afecta el sòl públic); i la que ens ha ocupat, afavorir la construcció d'habitatge, perquè els nouvinguts puguin sumar les xifres de veïns de Reus. Hem estudiat l'accés a l'habitatge a través de tres fonts documentals: la notarial (compravendes), la municipal (llibres d'acords, cadastres) i la parroquial (llibretes de combregants, sagramentals), sense descuidar els fons patrimonials.L'oferta de vivendes arriba de la mà de la iniciativa privada, previ permís o trabes governamentals. Reus creix horitzontalment, ampliant abastament l'ocupació de l'espai urbà, i de forma radial, a l'entorn del centre neuràlgic, la plaça del Mercadal, on el dilluns arriben milers de persones del rerepaís per a comprar i vendre. Es posa sòl a disposició de la construcció mitjançant la creació de censals sobre el seu preu, amb una mena d'establiment.Des de principis de segle el creixement és evident, seguint una dinàmica iniciada en el segle anterior, que s'accelera a partir del 1750, i que continuarà en el posterior. La particularitat és l'oferta, que respon a la demanda d'habitatge popular, cases unifamiliars, d'uns 40 metres quadrats de planta, amb façanes de 3 o 4 metres, que reparteixen l'espai en alçada, amb tres o quatre pisos. Espai reduït, però aprofitat i desitjat pels reusencs, que aspiren a accedir a la plena propietat de la seva llar. L'interès del censal, al 3% des del 1750, en serà una de les claus. La forma de pagament de les cases a finals de segle es formalitza davant de notari en un 50% en censal, un 25% en debitori i un 25% en metàl·lic. La segona forma d'accedir a l'habitatge és l'arrendament, que només afecta a un 30% dels immobles, que permet una gran mobilitat individual i presenta una estabilitat al llarg del segle, tant d'oferta com de preus, en no haver-hi pressió de demanda, excepte en les cases-botiga del Mercadal i carrers adjacents.Les expectatives del creixement de l'activitat constructora fan atractives les inversions i que aquesta vagi agafant una autonomia. En el negoci de la construcció podem parlar de tres agents: els urbanitzadors, els promotors i els intermediaris. Entre els primers distingim els antics propietaris dels horts, els especuladors i les institucions. Els qui tenen gairebé l'exclusivitat són els segons, molts d'ells pertanyents a l'elit governant. N'estudiem un exemple, els Freixa. Els promotors són els qui construeixen el pati per a vendre'l: alguns mestres de cases actuen d'empresaris, però no són menys els particulars (comerciants i mestres artesans) que fan de la promoció una forma d'inversió. Finalment, els intermediaris o agents immobiliaris són els qui n'obtenen més guanys, amb comissions de l'ordre del 33,33%.A principis del segle següent, el mercat es professionalitza més i s'aprecien petits canvis: una lenta concentració de la propietat, un increment dels arrendaments urbans i l'aparició de les cases de pisos. / In the 18th century, Reus played an active role in Catalonia's demographic, economic and urban growth, becoming the Principality's second city, growing from some 4,000 to 16,000 inhabitants by 1802. The expansion began in the previous century, with the development of industrial manufacturing activities for wool, leather, esparto and pottery; and in the 18th century with a decisive switch to silk (which took the place of wool) and spirits, Catalan trade that used Salou as its port for exports.Reus became the commercial and economic capital of southern Catalonia, with a hinterland that included a good part of Camp de Tarragona, Priorat and Conca de Barberà areas and reached as far as Ribera d'Ebre, Urgell and Garrigues areas. It was a wealth-generating centre, which allowed a group of tradesmen to accumulate capital and become nobility, and it was a magnet for the surplus rural workforce.The local governing class was also the most powerful economically and had one clear objective: to make the city bigger and more modern, whilst also benefiting themselves. One of the ways to achieve this was to invest in public works; another was to control the areas they were responsible for (all that affecting public land), and that which we have looked at here, encouraging the construction of housing, so that the newcomers could add to Reus's population statistics. We have studied the access to housing via three documentary sources: notary (purchases), municipal (agreement ledgers, cadastres) and parish (records of church-goers), alongside records of assets.The housing put on sale came from private initiatives, following governmental paperwork or permits. Reus grew horizontally, with an important spread of occupation of urban land, and radially, around the nerve centre, Mercadal Square, where thousands of people from the surrounding area came each Monday to buy and sell. Land was made available for construction with the creation of annuities on the price, with a form of taxation.The growth was obvious from the start of the century, following on from the trend set in the previous century, and accelerating from 1750 onwards and continuing on into the next century. A unique factor was the supply, which responded to the demand for affordable housing; family homes, with 40 square metres per floor, facades 3 or 4 metres across, spreading the space on different levels, over three or four stories. Small spaces, but spaces that the people wanted and made the most of. They represented the homes that they wanted to own. Annuity interest, 3% from 1750, played an important part. The method of payment for these houses at the end of the century was formalised before a notary with 50% as an annuity, 25% as a loan and 25% in cash. The second way of accessing housing was via a lease, only the case for 30% of properties, which allowed for a high level of individual mobility. It remained stable throughout the century, both in terms of the supply and the prices, as there was no pressure in terms of the demand, apart from the house-shops on Mercadal Square and the nearby streets.The growth forecasts for construction activities meant that investments were attractive and that they could achieve a degree of independence. There were three agents in the construction business: urban developers, property developers and intermediaries. In the first group, we can distinguish between former owners of farmland, speculators and the institutions. Those who had an almost exclusive hold on matters were the second, many of whom belonged to the governing elite. We shall study one example, the Freixa family. The property developers were those who prepared the land to then sell: some of the developers were businesspeople, but there was an equal number of private individuals (tradesmen and craftsmen) who developed land as a form of investment. Finally, the intermediaries or property agents were those who made the most profit, with commissions of around 33.33%.At the start of the following century, the market became more professional and small changes became noticeable: a slow concentration of the property, an increase in urban leases and the appearance of apartment buildings.

A presente tese propõe um modelo de injusto penal rigorosamente dualista, assimentendido aquele que, ao lado do desvalor da ação, exija sempre e necessariamente a efetivaocorrência de um desvalor do resultado, consistente na afetação, danosa ou perigosa, da esferade existência de terceiros. A hipótese que conduz a investigação é a de que, mesmo diante dosmovimentos expansionistas do poder punitivo hoje verificados, é possível defender a viabilidade de tal concepção de injusto penal. Para a demonstração dessa hipótese, parte-se domodelo dual de sociedade proposto por Jürgen Habermas, que tem na teoria do agircomunicativo a chave para a proteção do mundo da vida frente aos influxos colonizatóriosprovenientes dos sistemas econômico e político administrativo. A partir desse marco teórico,propõe-se uma releitura de alguns dos conceitos fundamentais da teoria do delito, de modo aconferir-lhes interpretação compatível com a concepção dualista rigorosa de injusto adotada.Por fim, para verificar a plausibilidade da hipótese colocada, tais conceitos fundamentais sãopostos à prova diante de situações teóricas tradicionalmente classificadas como de difícilconciliação com uma concepção de injusto baseada na necessária ocorrência de desvalor doresultado, como é o caso dos crimes de perigo abstrato e dos crimes tentados. / The thesis you have in hands proposes a concept of crime in which wrongdoing and harmfulness must be always combined and considered together as elements of a criminal offense in order to demonstrate the real affectation of third parties. The main hypothesis is that even facing an expansionist tendency toward incarceration and overcriminalization it is still possible to defend the viability of such a concept of crime. With the purpose of demonstrate this hypothesis, the Habermas's dualistic society model and his theory of communicative action are taken as a point of departure and based on them we intend to review some of the elements that compose the concept of criminal offense. Finally, the thesis will be challenged against controversial existing rulings (such as victimless crimes) to verify if their reasoning are compatible with such a dualistic concept of crime, which deny the possibility of existing criminal offenses without harm to others.

A presente tese propõe um modelo de injusto penal rigorosamente dualista, assimentendido aquele que, ao lado do desvalor da ação, exija sempre e necessariamente a efetivaocorrência de um desvalor do resultado, consistente na afetação, danosa ou perigosa, da esferade existência de terceiros. A hipótese que conduz a investigação é a de que, mesmo diante dosmovimentos expansionistas do poder punitivo hoje verificados, é possível defender a viabilidade de tal concepção de injusto penal. Para a demonstração dessa hipótese, parte-se domodelo dual de sociedade proposto por Jürgen Habermas, que tem na teoria do agircomunicativo a chave para a proteção do mundo da vida frente aos influxos colonizatóriosprovenientes dos sistemas econômico e político administrativo. A partir desse marco teórico,propõe-se uma releitura de alguns dos conceitos fundamentais da teoria do delito, de modo aconferir-lhes interpretação compatível com a concepção dualista rigorosa de injusto adotada.Por fim, para verificar a plausibilidade da hipótese colocada, tais conceitos fundamentais sãopostos à prova diante de situações teóricas tradicionalmente classificadas como de difícilconciliação com uma concepção de injusto baseada na necessária ocorrência de desvalor doresultado, como é o caso dos crimes de perigo abstrato e dos crimes tentados. / The thesis you have in hands proposes a concept of crime in which wrongdoing and harmfulness must be always combined and considered together as elements of a criminal offense in order to demonstrate the real affectation of third parties. The main hypothesis is that even facing an expansionist tendency toward incarceration and overcriminalization it is still possible to defend the viability of such a concept of crime. With the purpose of demonstrate this hypothesis, the Habermas's dualistic society model and his theory of communicative action are taken as a point of departure and based on them we intend to review some of the elements that compose the concept of criminal offense. Finally, the thesis will be challenged against controversial existing rulings (such as victimless crimes) to verify if their reasoning are compatible with such a dualistic concept of crime, which deny the possibility of existing criminal offenses without harm to others.

An accused cannot be held criminally liable by a court until he is considered to be culpable, a process which entails establishing criminal capacity and intention (dolus) or negligence (culpa). Determining a perpetrator’s necessary intent in the form of dolus eventualis has proved to be a predicament in South African jurisprudence. This type of intent occurs when a person does not aim to cause the unlawful act, however, he subjectively foresees the likelihood that in pursuing with his conduct, the unlawful result will possibly happen, and he reconciles himself to this possibility. The problem with this form of intention, especially where the death of another is caused recklessly, is, amongst others, reservations as to whether the perpetrator’s foresight was of a real, reasonable or a remote possibility. This research examines the imperatives and rationale for preceding and current interpretations and applications of dolus eventualis and associate concepts in South African as well as in selected foreign legal frameworks in order to provide a comprehensive perspective on the subject. In this regard, the study challenges conflicting judgments on the application of dolus eventualis in domestic courts, especially as regards homicide- and putative private defence cases, amongst others. It is evidenced that in case law concerning dolus eventualis, legal rules were not properly articulated when determining this type of criminal intent. In this investigation, the legislative framework applicable to dolus eventualis under international law is also critically evaluated with the aim of facilitating the comprehension of this element in South African law. As the concept of dolus eventualis is an indispensable concept in South African criminal law, recommendations are proposed on the application and interpretation of dolus eventualis suitable to the South African landscape, which includes possible law reform. / Criminal and Procedural Law / LL. D. (Criminal and Procedural Law)