This thesis aims to investigate if there have been any changes regarding the framing of abortion in American opinion-based articles. This since the abortion laws in America has gone through a lot of changes in 2022, in comparison to the previous year 2021. This has been done by conducting a qualitative text analysis with a quantitative categorizing of 67 opinion-based articles published by CNN and Fox News. A theoretical framing analysis tool created by Goffman (1974) was used. This is supplemented by Dahl’s third criteria in his theory of democracy (Dahl, 1989). Three categories wereconstructed from the previous research presented in this thesis, which were named the framing of autonomy, moral and emotion. First, the framing of autonomy frames the woman as fully capable of making reproductive decisions on her ownsince she is logical enough. Second, the framing of moral describes how life starts at conception and therefore makes abortion immoral and cruel and should be compared to murder or infanticide. At last, the framing of emotion portrayswomen as victims incapable of making their own decisions, and as individuals who should be protected from going through an abortion since it could harm her. Moreover, in the analysis of Fox News the results show that the framing ofmoral was prominent. Furthermore, in CNN all three framings were represented while the framing of autonomy was mostoften shown in the opinion-based articles. The result concludes that both CNN’s and Fox News’ coverage of abortion, could be seen as partly nuanced because of their somewhat multilateral way of framing the topic according to Dahl’s theory of democracy (1989).

Thesis advisor: James M. O'Toole / This dissertation explores the formative years of the right-to-life movement in the decade prior to Roe v. Wade and explains how early right-to-lifers built a vast and powerful movement in the 1960s and 1970s. Whereas most previous studies have focused on the connection between right-to-life organizing and the conservative ascendancy in religion and politics in the 1970s and 1980s, this dissertation studies the movement’s origins in state and local organizing in the years before Roe v. Wade and its growth into a national political crusade in the 1970s. During these years, grassroots activists fostered a vision for a broad-based right-to-life movement—a movement consisting of Americans from across the political and religious spectrums. This movement was made up of Catholics, Protestants, and Jews, Democrats and Republicans, conservatives and liberals, lay people as well as religious leaders—all of whom opposed legalized abortion for a range of reasons. Right-to-lifers believed their broad-based approach was the most effective way to fight abortion, and they embraced this diverse coalition, attacking abortion on a number of fronts with strategies ranging from legislative lobbying to alternatives to abortion to nonviolent direct action. Though their coalition eventually broke apart in the 1980s, this eclectic group of right-to-lifers built a dynamic and diverse movement and proved the powerful resonance of the abortion issue in American society. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

A more conservative supreme court will likely have the chance to overrule Roe v. Wade. Many states have passed heartbeat laws that will probably be taken all the way to the supreme court, these cases will ask the supreme court to affirm fetal personhood, giving fetuses a constitutionally recognized right to due process and making abortion illegal. In this thesis, I will defend an expansion of protections for pregnant peoples through a socialized right to abortion.

In this thesis, I will argue that Doe v. Bolton, 410 U.S. 179 (1973), a United States Supreme Court case originating in Georgia, enabled all women access to abortion, including groups of marginalized women previously denied this right. An examination of the background of Doe uncovers the roles played by Georgia feminists and the medical community. By comparing Doe v. Bolton with the concurrent Supreme Court case of Roe v. Wade, I will shed light on the history of abortion in America as well as continuing divisions over abortion access in America today.

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This study aims to analyze the policy discourse held by interest groups in the United States following the repeal of Roe, the constitutional right to abortion, from a security perspective. Additionally, it seeks to examine what these organizations believe needs protection and against what, and the potential consequences for womenś health security in the USA. The study employs a security feminist and post-structuralist theoretical and methodological approach based on Bacchi’s (2023) problematization framework “What’s the problem represented to be?” (WPR) and Baldwin’s (1997) Security Concept to analyze how these interest groups perceive the abortion issue post-Roe and what this produces and reproduces. The analyst reveals a distinct and polarized view on the abortion issue regarding what should be protected and against what. These divergent perspectives influence how threats are perceived and what measures are advocated for. The study’s analysis also demonstrates that the politicized debate and the various problematizations may have adverse consequences for women’s health security, such as increased risks of unsafe abortions and lack of access to safe abortion care. Furthermore, the state-centric understanding of health policy may contribute to reproducing the stigma surrounding abortion and excluding women’s individual needs. This underscores the importance of questioning the prevailing health policy and its impact on women and other vulnerable groups, and raising the question: security for whom and for what?

No description available.

For the last few years, the question of legal abortion has been a big topic in USpolitics. With the two major US parties, Democrats and Republicans, havingdifferent opinions about the subject, and with a new abortion law introduced inJune of 2022.This study goes over the latest party platforms and different statements fromboth parties to get an understanding about how the both parties view abortionas a problem. With the use of critical discourse analysis as a methodology and“what’s the problem represented to be?” as an analytical framework, the studydoes not aim to present a solution to a problem, but instead show how the twoparties present the problem. Thereafter the ideologies feminism, conservatismand liberalism will be applied to see if it can be connected to how the partiespresent abortion as a problem. The results of the study reveal that theDemocratic party views abortion as a necessity for women's health and rights.The Democratic party does show signs of the ideologies feminism andliberalism in how they represent abortion. The Republicans view abortion assomething morally wrong and shows signs of conservatism.

Building on Lee Epstein et al. (2006) article “The Changing Dynamics of Senate Voting on Supreme Court Nominees”, this study seeks to explore the representation of ideological questions during the Supreme Court confirmation hearings of Clarence Thomas and Brett M. Kavanaugh. As previous studies seek to explore the characteristics and political agenda of confirmation hearings, there is more to be discovered about the representation of ideological questions. In addition, more studies tend to explain the reasons why landmark decisions such as Roe v. Wade has managed to be overturned and scholars have demonstrated the need to study ideological polarization in the Supreme Court. To study overrulings and ideological polarization in the Supreme Court, this article explores the very beginning of the issue: the confirmation hearings of justices to the Supreme Court of the United States. By being attentive to the main themes of questions during the confirmation hearings of Clarence Thomas and Brett M. Kavanaugh, this paper explores the representation of ideological questions versus questions of fact. This theoretical perspective facilitates the exploration of further studies regarding upcoming confirmation hearings. This article indicates the reliance on the theory of Lee Epstein et al., and claims that the previous confirmation hearings have a strong representation of ideological questions.

Existing literature has identified mothers as the primary reproductive educators of their daughters and has determined mother-daughter conversations about reproduction to be an indicator of daughters’ sexual and reproductive behaviors. The overturning of Roe v. Wade on June 24, 2022, had an immediate impact on the reproductive lives of many people, including daughters. Through one-on-one interviews with 10 daughters, this qualitative study identifies three changes in mother-daughter reproductive conversations that were influenced by the overturning of Roe v. Wade: (a) The initiation of conversations, (b) the topics of conversations, and (c) the tone of these conversations. The results of this thesis not only provide initial insight into how daughters felt that their conversations with their mothers about reproductive issues changed in the wake of this monumental event, but also have the potential to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the larger impact of the event itself.