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The Roman festival of the Lupercalia is one of the most discussed issues in the field of pre-Christian Roman religion. Hardly a year goes by without an article on the subject appearing in a major Classics journal. But the festival presents a range of issues that individual articles cannot address. This thesis is an attempt to present a modern analysis of the phenomenon of the Lupercalia as a whole, including literary, archaeological and historical evidence on the subject. The first section presents the ancient sources on the Lupercalia, and is divided into five chapters, each analysing a particular aspect of the festival: fertility, purification, the importance of the wolf and the foundation myth, the mythology of Arcadian origins, and Caesar's involvement with the Lupercalia of 44 BC. The second section places the Lupercalia in a wider context, discussing the festival's topography and the course of the running Luperci, its relationship to other lustration rituals, and its position in the Roman calendar, ending with an appraisal of the changes it underwent in late Antiquity. The third section employs methods from linguistics, anthropology and comparative religion to show that the Lupercalia involved a ritual of initiation, which was also reflected in the Roman foundation myth. The central chapter of this section discusses the methodology used in comparative Indo-European mythology, and offers a case study that parallels the god of the festival (Faunus) with Rudra of Vedic Hinduism. The last chapter considers other parallels with Indian religion, especially the relationship between flamen and brahmin. The thesis challenges a number of established theories on the subject and offers new evidence to show that the festival has Indo-European origins, but also that it played an important role throughout Roman history.

This thesis examines the changing form and function of non-funerary cult buildings in early Latial and Etruscan settlements in order to better describe and understand the advent of monumental temples in the archaeological record. It draws on a significant quantity of material excavated in the past forty years and developments in relevant theoretical frameworks to reconstruct the changing appearance of cult buildings from huts to shrines and temples (Chapters 2 to 4), and to place monumental examples within wider religious, topographical, and functional contexts (Chapters 5 to 7). This broader perspective allows a more accurate assessment of the extent to which monumental temples represent continuity and discontinuity with earlier religious architecture, and furthermore clarifies the respective roles of Latium and Etruria in the transformation of cult buildings into distinctive, prominent parts of the built environment. Although it is possible to find many different accounts of religious monumentalisation in existing scholarship, this thesis holds that traditional narratives no longer accurately reflect the archaeological evidence. It sets out a sequence of developments in which early religious architecture was a dynamic, rather than conservative, phenomenon. It demonstrates that temples were not the inevitable product of a natural progression from open-air votive deposition to monumentality, or simply an imported concept, but rather a deliberate response to the opportunities offered by an increasingly mobile Mediterranean population. It also contends that Latium played a more important role in formulating the characteristic components and functions of central Italic temples than previously thought. This thesis consequently offers a new account of early religious architecture in western central Italy as well as an alternative interpretation of its monumentalisation.

This thesis examines the ways in which the Magna Mater became an integral part of Augustan ideology and the visual language of the early principate. Traditionally, our picture of the Augustan Magna Mater has been shaped by evidence from literary sources. Here, however, the monuments of the goddess' cult are considered in their religio-political context. Works that link Augustus himself to the Magna Mater are shown to reveal that the goddess played a significant and hitherto unappreciated role in official propaganda. Part I examines the nature of the Augustan reconstruction of the Palatine Temple of the Magna Mater and challenges persistent claims that the princeps was disinterested in the metroac cult. Augustus' use of inexpensive building materials is shown to be, not a display of parsimony, but an attempt to retain the traditional appearance of a venerable structure. A reinterpretation of the temple's pedimental and acroterial sculpture, using the Valle-Medici reliefs, demonstrates that Augustus promoted the Magna Mater as an allegory of Rome's Trojan heritage and as a symbol of a new Golden Age. Part II investigates the topography of the Augustan precinct on the Palatine, and argues that the geographic linkage of the metroön and the House of Augustus became a topos in imperial imagery. It then demonstrates that several well-known works of art echo this connection between the princeps and the goddess. These works range from statues in the Circus Maximus designed to be viewed by thousands, to the Gemma Augustea, a luxury item intended for the elite. They are also found both inside and outside Rome. A reassessment of the Vicus Sandaliarius altar and the Sorrento base illustrates popular recognition of Augustus' reinvention of the Magna Mater as a national deity of Rome and the tutelary goddess of the Julio-Claudii.

This MA thesis will discuss the reception of common, non-scholarly polytheists (pagans) to the persecution of Christians from the early empire until the Great Persecution (303-313, 322-324). Though modern scholars have addressed this issue and asserted that there was a change in attitude, many have not developed this into anything more than a passing statement. When chronologically analyzing the Christian acts, passions, letters, and speeches recounting the deaths of martyrs deemed historically authentic, and accounting for the literary and biblical topoi, we can demonstrate that the position of non-Christians changed. The methodology of this thesis will chronologically assess the martyr acts, passions, speeches, and letters which are historically accurate after literary and biblical topoi are addressed. These sources are available in the appendix. Throughout this analysis, we will see two currents. The primary current will seek to discern the change in pagan reception of anti-Christian persecution, while the second current will draw attention to the Roman concept of religio and superstitio, both important in understanding civic religion which upheld the pax deorum and defined loyalty to the Roman order through material sacrifices and closely connected to one's citizenship. Religio commonly denoted proper ritual practices, while superstitio defined irregular forms of worship which may endanger the state. As we will see, Christians were feared and persecuted because it was believed that their cult would anger the gods and disrupt the cosmological order. The analysis will begin with a discussion centered on the "accusatory" approach to the Christian church during the first two centuries when the Roman state relied on provincial delatores (denounces) to legislate against the cult. During the first two centuries persecution was mostly provincial, sporadic and was not centrally-directed. We will see that provincial mobs were the most violent during the first two centuries. During the third century the actions of the imperial authority changed and began following an "inquisitorial" approach with the accession of Emperors Decius and Valerian, the former enacting an edict of universal sacrifices while the latter undertook the first Empire-wide initiative to crush the Christian community. It is during the third century that the attitude of non-elite pagans may have begun to change. This will be suggested when discussing the martyrdom of Pionius. When discussing the fourth century Great Persecution under the Diocletianic tetrarchy, it will be suggested that the pagan populace may have begun to look upon the small Christian community sympathetically. The thesis will conclude with the victory of Constantine over Licinius and the slow but steady rise of Christianity to prominence, becoming the official religio of the empire with traditional paganism relegated to the status of a superstitio.

William E. Mkufya aliyezaliwa mwaka 1953 wilayani Lushoto, Tanga, nchini Tanzania ni mmojawapo wa waandishi wakongwa wa riwaya ya Kiswahili. Hadi hii leo amechapisha riwaya nne. Aidha, ameandika vitabu kumi na viwili vya watoto na kutafsiri baadhi ya vitabu, kama vile riwaya ya Kiu ya Mohamd Suleiman Mohamed. Riwaya za Ziraili na Zirani na Ua la Faraja zimeshinda Tuzo la Fasihi ya Kitaifa Tanzania katika kiwango cha Muswada Bora wa Riwaya mnamo 1999 na 2001. Katika mazungumzo haya yaliyofanyika tarehe 29 Januari, mwaka 2004, huko TYCS, Upanga, Dar es Salaam tulitia mkazo zaidi kwenye riwaya yake ya kiepiki Ziraili na Zirani (1999).

Ce mémoire s’articule autour de trois sections distinctes : dans la première, nous examinons la figure divine de Liber Pater et la perception de cette divinité dans l’Italie romaine. Liber ne cesse de surprendre les chercheurs entre autres grâce à son association avec Dionysos, c’est pourquoi il est nécessaire de s’attarder à une question simple, mais cruciale : qui est Liber Pater? Nous soulignons à travers cette section que Liber est une divinité agraire reconnue au sein du panthéon de Rome et recevant ainsi un culte public à travers les Liberalia et la triade qu’il forme avec Cérès et Libera. La pérennité de Liber sur la libertas y est aussi remise en jeu : plutôt que de concevoir une liberté politique, il faut s’attarder à une liberté physique et mentale. Dans la deuxième section, nous établissons une connexion sur le territoire italien entre Liber et Dionysos-Bacchus grâce au processus d’acculturation qui s’est concrétisé avec l’arrivée de Dionysos en Grande-Grèce au VIIIe et VIIe siècle av. J.-C. Nous explorons par la suite, à travers la tutelle de Liber et Bacchus sur le vin ainsi que la répression des Bacchanales, les formes hétérogènes qu’ont pu prendre les rituels et les cultes dédiés à ces divinités. Finalement, notre dernière section se penche sur le culte de Liber en Italie au Haut-Empire. Pour y parvenir, nous utilisons le cadre méthodologique de la lived ancient religion qui s’intéresse au spectre des stratégies religieuses pouvant être mises en place pour communiquer avec Liber, que ce soit à travers le don, la prière, le geste, le sacrifice, etc. Ce modèle d’analyse nous donne l’opportunité de nous intéresser au culte vécu de Liber, nous rapprochant ainsi de l’expérience religieuse des individus. Nous démontrons, grâce à un corpus épigraphique comportant plusieurs types d’inscriptions, que de nombreuses stratégies de communication étaient utilisées, notamment les rituels du votum, de la dedicatio, et de la consecratio à travers le don d’objets tels des autels et des statues. En groupe, ces stratégies se complexifient puisque le phénomène associatif produit une diversification cultuelle significative : plusieurs associations romaines, toutes différentes les unes des autre dans leurs pratiques et leur composition, honoraient Liber et ses bienfaits. / This dissertation is structured in three distinct sections: in the first one, we examine the divine figure of Liber Pater and the perception of this divinity in Roman Italy. Liber never ceases to surprise scholars, mostly because of his association with Dionysus, so it is necessary to address a simple but crucial question: who is Liber Pater? We emphasize in this section that Liber is an agrarian deity recognized within the pantheon of Rome and thus receives a public cult through the Liberalia and the triad that he forms with Ceres and Libera. The tutelage of Liber on libertas is also questioned: rather than understanding it in terms of political freedom, we must rather focus on a physical and mental freedom. In the second section, we establish a connection on the Italian territory between Liber and Dionysus-Bacchus thanks to the process of acculturation that took place with the arrival of Dionysus in Magna Graecia in the 8th and 7th century BC. We then explore, through the tutelage of Liber and Bacchus over wine as well as the repression of the Bacchanalia, the heterogeneous forms that the rituals and cults dedicated to these deities may have taken. Finally, our last section dives into the cult of Liber in Italy in the Early Empire. To do so, we use the methodological framework of lived ancient religion, which focuses on the spectrum of religious strategies that can be put in place to communicate with Liber, be it through donation, prayer, gesture, sacrifice, etc. This model of analysis gives us the opportunity to focus on the lived worship of Liber, therefore bringing us closer to the religious experience of individuals. We demonstrate, through an epigraphic corpus comprising several types of inscriptions, that numerous communication strategies were used, notably the rituals of votum, dedicatio, and consecratio through the donation of objects such as altars and statues. In groups, these strategies become more complex since the associative phenomenon produces a significant cult diversification: several Roman associations, all different from one other in their practices and composition, honored Liber and his benefits.

Die Studie beschäftigt sich mit dem Amt des Jupiterpriesters (flamen dialis) in der römischen Republik und im frühen Prinzipat. Die Studie analysiert anhand einiger Fallbeispiele (insbesondere dem des C. Valerius Flaccus) die Stellung des Jupiterpriesters innerhalb des sakralen (sacrum) und politischen (publicum) Gefüges der römischen Republik. Die gängige Forschungsmeinung zu diesem Amt ist, dass das Amt des Jupiterpriesters für seinen Inhaber eine politische Sackgasse darstellte, da dieser aufgrund der religiösen Vorschriften des Priesteramtes weitgehend an der Übernahme politischer Verantwortung gehindert war. Somit wird das Amt als unattraktiv für junge nobiles bewertet. Diese Überlegung verwirft die Studie und zeigt auf, dass das Amt zumindest für einen Teil der nobiles eine attraktive Karriereoption dargestellt hat und dass die religiösen Vorschriften die Wahrnehmung politischer Verantwortung nicht in dem Maße behindert haben, wie es oftmals dargestellt wird. Aus diesen Überlegungen leitet die Studie eine grundlegende Kritik an einer gängigen Quellenperzeption ab, die das Konsulat zugleich als Ziel und Mindestanforderung der Karriere eines jungen nobilis ansieht.:I. Einleitung 1-26 1. Religio civilis und sacerdotes publici. Eine thematische Einführung zum Verhältnis von Religion und Politik in Rom 2-15 2. Der flamen Dialis 16-26 2.1. Sakralvorschriften 16-21 2.2. Flamen Dialis – politisches Abstellgleis und Leitfossil der römischen Religion? 22-26 II. Fallstudien 27-97 1. Zur Überlieferungssituation 27-34 2. Flamines Diales von der Mitte des 3. Jhs. bis 209 v. Chr. 35-47 2.1. Die Amtsinhaber 35-38 2.2. Religio in Katastrophenzeiten 38-47 3. Flamines Diales von 209 bis 170 v. Chr. 48-74 3.1. Priesterämter als Instrumente der Verhaltensregulierung in Rom? 48-49 3.1.1. Formen sozialer Kontrolle in Rom 50-55 3.1.2. Die normative Kraft des Vorbildlichen 55-59 3.2. Der politische Werdegang des flamen Dialis C. Valerius Flaccus 60-66 3.2.1. Flamen Dialis und Senatssitz 60-61 3.2.2. Aedilität und Praetur – Eid und Immobilität 61-63 3.2.3. Die „Kaltstellung eines patrizischen Junkers“? 63-66 3.3. Konkurrenz und Konsens 67-72 3.3.1.Familienstrategien 67-69 3.3.2.Die Sicherung der prospektiven Familientradition 69-72 3.4. P. Cornelius Scipio 73-74 4. Flamines Diales in der späten Republik 75-91 4.1. L. Cornelius Merula 76-77 4.2. C. Iulius Caesar 77-91 4.2.1. Caesars Herkunft und Status in den 80er Jahren v. Chr. 79-81 4.2.2. Caesar als flamen Dialis – ein Katastrophenszenario 81-82 4.2.3. Flamen Dialis inauguratus? 82-86 4.2.4. Sullas Rückkehr und die Amtsenthebung 87-91 5. Der flamen Dialis im frühen Prinzipat 92-97 5.1. Überlegungen zu den Ursachen der Vakanz und zur Datierung der Inauguration des Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis 92-95 5.2. Ser. Cornelius Lentulus Maluginensis und Ser. Cornelius Ser.f. Lentulus Maluginensis 95-97 III. Die gesellschaftliche Stellung des Jupiterpriesters 98-106 1. Sacrum und publicum – konkurrierende Ordnungsmuster? 98-103 1.1. Durfte der Jupiterpriester politisch tätig werden? 98-99 1.2. Die Götter können nicht umziehen 100-101 1.3. Kultbedingungen und gesellschaftlicher Wandel – oder: Wie flexibel ist römisches „Sakralrecht“? 101-103 2. Die Bedeutung des Jupiterpriesteramtes für die römische Führungsschicht 103-106 IV. Abbildungen i-iii V. Literatur iv-xxxii

La prière, parce qu’elle suppose une reconnaissance du pouvoir des mots et des gestes, est une pratique tangible et un fait historique. Étudier sa nature et ses évolutions fait progresser la connaissance des comportements et des dispositifs religieux. Ainsi, les prières formulées par les empereurs romains, qu’ils soient païens ou chrétiens, participent de la manifestation de leur pouvoir et de l’expression des rapports complexes entre l’individu, la communauté et le monde divin. Néanmoins la nature de la documentation et la spécificité des différents systèmes religieux conduisent à privilégier une relative synchronie. L’étude des prières récitées par l’empereur dans la célébration des cultes publics permet de préciser l’articulation entre la personne impériale et la communauté publique. Sur le temps long, il est alors possible de discuter les supposées évolutions ou mutations de ces responsabilités et de leurs représentations. Aussi la nature même des prières romaines peut-elle être éclairée au regard des interrogations modernes sur les religions antiques et des concepts de spiritualisation, d’individualisation ou de performance collective. La définition du paysage cultuel des empereurs romains permet de reconsidérer le sens même de la prière individuelle et de ses enjeux religieux et sociaux. L’ensemble de ces approches se prolonge harmonieusement avec le passage du paganisme au christianisme. La place des empereurs dans le culte communautaire, la possible élaboration de dispositifs cultuels spécifiques et la représentation de leurs prières individuelles ou personnelles participent de l’étude historique de la lente constitution d’un christianisme impérial romain divers. / The prayer is a tangible practice and a historical fact. It implies recognition of the power of words and gestures. The study of its nature and evolutions improves knowledge of religious behaviours and setups. Prayers made by pagan or Christian Roman emperors involve representation of their power and show the complex relationship between the person, the community and the divine world. However, the available documentation and the specificity of different religious systems lead to adopt a relative synchrony. The prayers said in public cults are used to study the relationship between the imperial person and public community. It is then possible to have a long-term discussion of the supposed changes or mutations of these responsibilities and their images. The nature of Roman prayers can be discussed by the modern interrogations about antique religions and concepts such as spiritualization, individualization and collective performance. The definition of the Roman emperors worship landscape allows reconsidering the very meaning of individual prayer together with its religious and social issues. All these approaches extend harmoniously from Paganism to early Christianity. The position of emperors in community worship, the development of specific worship setup and representation of individual or personal prayers are part of an historical study focused on the slow formation of a diverse Roman imperial Christianity.

L'objet de cette thèse est de montrer en quoi l'Énéide constitue le récit de l'initiation royale d'Énée sous le patronage de Diane, la déesse latine de la souveraineté. L'épopée révèle sa dimension initiatique à travers sa triplicité - narrative et fonctionnelle -, en accord avec la théologie de la déesse initiatique, elle-même triple et trifonctionnelle. Chacun des niveaux fonctionnels de Diane est incarné par l'une de ses servantes : Didon (troisième fonction), la Sibylle (première fonction),Camille (deuxième fonction). Subissant les épreuves rencontrées dans les domaines sauvages et marginaux dont elles sont - au moins symboliquement - les maîtresses (Carthage, Cumes, le Latium), Énée se qualifie comme initié dans chaque fonction, ce qui lui permet d'accéder au statut d'être complet, trifonctionnel, idéal du roi indo-européen. / The purpose of this thesis is to show how the Aeneid constitutes the account of the royal initiation of Aeneas under the patronage of Diana, the Latin goddess of sovereignty. The epic reveals its initiatory dimension through its narrative and functional triplicity, in accordance with the theology of the initiatory goddess, triple and trifunctional herself. Each of Diana's functional levels is embodied by one of her servants: Dido (third function), the Sibyl (first function), Camilla (second function). Subjected to the trials in the wild and marginal areas of which they are - at least symbolically - the mistresses (Carthage, Cumae, Latium), Aeneas qualifies as an initiate in every function, which allows him to access to the status of complete, trifunctional being, the ideal of the lndo-European king.