Social movement is the primary agency to enact social change, But, might not be achieved in a short time. After 1980s, the third sector in Taiwan has grown up quickly. Following different social movements, the sector has grown several organizational fields, such as environmental protection, the elderly welfare and the disable organizational fields. Reviewing the changes in organization fields above, they are enacted by social movement and organizations. The study focuses on ¡§non-profit disable organizational field¡¨ to discuss the change from ¡§handicapped¡¨ to ¡§disabled.¡¨ Furthermore, the new organizational form ¡§social enterprise¡¨ is emerging in this field recently. The study also explore the emerging process under the historical context in the field. Based on the institutional theory, The study focus on the contest of institutional logics in the field. Conducting the historical narrative approach, the study analysis archival material and interviews and divide the changing process in to 4 stages. The first stage (1949-1979) and second stage (1980-1990) were dominated by ¡§charity and relief¡¨ institutional logic. However, the social movements organized by the handicap were framing another new logic ¡§social model¡¨. In the third stage (1991-1998) the contest of two logics was much significant. Finally, the ¡§social model¡¨ logical won the contest and become the dominated logics in the forth stage (1999-2009). The study also revels that social enterprise is the product of new institutional logic. The study reveals ¡§social enterprise¡¨ is the by-product of institutional change in the non-profit disable organizational field. The study also discusses, following the institutional change, how the new actor introduce management model to change the disabled sheltered workshop becoming social enterprise.

Title from PDF of title page. / Document formatted into pages; contains 123 pages / Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. / Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format. / ABSTRACT: Since gaining independence from Colombia in 1903, Panama has witnessed both elitist democratic governments and authoritarian populist governments. The oligarchic system in place throughout much of Panama's history was a significant hindrance to real democracy taking hold within the country. Democracy was further set back by the inordinate power exerted by the US presence on the isthmus throughout the twentieth century. Omar Torrijos's time as head of the Panamanian government from 1969 to 1981 exhibited populist, paternalistic and personalistic characteristics. His government marked an attempt to establish a form of government based on popular democracy. While a number of social programs were implemented and the social welfare of a greater percentage of the population was generally improved during the years Torrijos was in power, his military regime did not ultimately institutionalize a model for democratic participation. / ABSTRACT: This study argues that some form of popular democracy should replace the status quo in Panama. This would allow for genuine representation of a greater number of the population and in turn broaden the base of decision-making, something that has not been fully accomplished under previous authoritarian or democratic forms of government. The Torrijos regime was the first and only government in Panama to have attempted this move toward popular democracy. As such it is seen as a useful case study in examining its contributions to the political landscape and the political culture that makes up contemporary Panama. Deductions are made from it for the political future of the country in terms of the democratization process. / System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader. / Mode of access: World Wide Web.

With the exponential growth of Facebook users worldwide, this platform for social network online has become a powerful tool to connect individuals and share information with each other. This study explores the phenomenal trend of utilizing a Facebook application called Causes to help users organize into online communities for a specific cause and mobilize their resources for disaster relief during the Haiti earthquake disaster. Two separate samples of 100 joiners each from the American Red Cross (ARC) Cause on Facebook were randomly selected before and after the Haiti earthquake disaster to examine the differences of the composition (i.e., attributes) and structure (i.e., relational ties) of each social network. The social network analysis performed for this thesis research intends to fill the gap of historical research literature on recruitment to activism and support provision following a disaster in the digital age of the 21 st century. The results of this study show how understanding the membership size of online communities, salient identity for the cause through organizational affiliations, interpersonal ties among the joiners, density of the network as well as gender diversity can be crucial recruitment factors to leverage for disaster relief efforts. The findings reveal a beneficial partnership between disaster relief organizations and online social networks in mobilizing their resources for a speedy response to disasters.

This dissertation analyzes the cultural significance of land relations and caste/religious identity to understand political subjectivity in Punjab, Pakistan. The ethnography details the vicissitudes of a peasant land rights movement, Anjuman-e Mazarin Punjab (Punjab Tenants Association) that is struggling to retain land rights on vast agricultural farms controlled by the Pakistan army. The dissertation argues that land struggles should not only be understood in tropes of locality, but also as interconnected processes that attend to global and local changes in governance. To emphasize these connections, the dissertation gives a relational understanding of 'politics of place' that attends to a range of practices from the history of colonial infrastructure projects (the building of canals, roads and model villages) that transformed this agricultural frontier into the heart of British colonial administration. Similarly, the ethnographic chapters relate the history of 'place making' to the present day uncertainty for small tenant sharecroppers who defied the Pakistan Army's attempts to change land relations in the military farms. Within these parameters, this ethnographic study offers a "thick description" of Punjab Tenants Association to analyze the internal shifts in loyalties and alignments during the course of the protest movement by looking at how caste, religious and/or class relations gain or lose significance in the process. My research seeks to counter the predominant understanding of Muslim political subjectivity, which privileges religious beliefs over social practices and regional identity. Another aspect of my work elucidates the symbolic exchange between the infrastructural project of irrigation, railway construction and regional modernity in central Punjab. The network of canals, roads and railways transformed the semi-arid region of Indus Plains and created a unique relationship between the state and rural society in central Punjab. However, this close relationship between rural Punjab and state administration is not void of conflict but rather it indicates a complex sense of attachment and alienation, inclusion and exclusion from the state. / text

In the context of critical development communication, the processes are discussed centering two key constructs including 'power' and 'dialogic praxis' in the analytical frame for this research. In addition, theories and practices of immigrant media and social movements provide constructive perspectives discussing characteristics forms of collective actions for immigrant communities (local-global, transnational, and heterogeneous; roles of immigrant media (movement resource and cultural resource) in a host society. However, we are less informed about communication processes for migrant agents to construct migrant social movement. Much less is discussed about communication processes and their implications of media communications of immigrant media. Thus, to bridge the theoretical and practical gaps, this dissertation research attempt to contextualize communication processes of an immigrant media, MWTV, engaged in the migrant social movement in order to explore how relatively powerless migrant agents develop alternative forms and ways of praxis for social change through their media communications. Throughout two field research, this particular research could identify a 'asymmetric power structure' formed through the relations between diverse social agencies related to the processes for social changes for the immigrant communities in Korea, which induce 'the mediated praxis' shaping 'asymmetric solidarity,' 'objectification of the migrant agents,' and 'assimilation of movement culture.' Then, the immigrant media, MWTV have been developed to 'remediate' existing dominant forms and ways of social changes constitutive of 'dialogic praxis' of the foreign agents. Thus, media communication of immigrant media is viewed as conscious collective actions to 'remediate mediated praxis' for social and cultural change in a host society rather than mere symbolic resources for social or cultural reorientation. It means that the flexible, collaborator, and reflective communication structure of MWTV are deliberately reconstructed not as 'conditions' but as 'consequences' of critical reflection on mediated praxis. / text

In "One Foot In: Student-Athlete Advocacy and Social Movement Rhetoric in the Margins of American College Athletics," the author explores student-athlete advocacy of black male student-athletes in revenue generating sports and educational and cultural reforms to NCAA policies and bylaws over approximately two decades (1985-2006). The author examines non-profit organizations--Black Coaches Association, Drake Group, Institute for Diversity and Ethics and Sport, and Knight Commission on Intercollegiate Athletics--who pressured the NCAA to enact measures to restore order and balance to American college athletics. In addition, these measures are designed to increase student-athlete graduation rates, increase opportunities for minority coaches and administrators, and protect college educators who blow the whistle on institutions who commit infractions. The author begins by identifying social movement rhetorical strategies--the "Triple Front" strategy of Harold Cruse and Agitation/Control Rhetoric of Bowers, Ochs, and Jensen--to analyze rhetorical interactions between non-profit organizations and the NCAA, especially how the NCAA responds by using control rhetoric in order to protect itself from outside influences. Finally, the author ends the discussion by using autoethnography to analyze my own experiences as a writing program administrator challenging NCAA hegemony by running a progressive writing program within a traditional student-athlete study hall.

Šio darbo objektas – yra aktyvizmas, kaip ryšių su visuomene priemonė. Susiejant aktyvizmą ir ryšių su visuomene veiklą darbe nagrinėjama kaip organizacijos naudoja aktyvizmą savo ryšių su visuomene veikloje. Darbo tikslas – rasti teorinę poziciją, kuri paaiškintų, kaip aktyvizmas gali tapti ryšių su visuomene priemone ir praktiškai visa tai pagrįsti. Tikslui atskleisti keliami šie uždaviniai: apibrėžiamos aktyvizmo ir ryšių su visuomene sąvokas; aptariamos socialinius judėjimus aiškinančios teorijos; analizuojama, kokias tikslais ir kaip aktyvizmas naudojamas ryšių su visuomene veikloje, kas turi įtakos ir nulemia tokių priemonių pasirinkimo sėkmę; remiantis teorine dalimi sudaroma tyrimo metodologiją; praktiškai pagrindžiama, jog tyrime naudojamas pavyzdys yra socialinis judėjimas pritaikytas ryšių su visuomene veikloje. Darbe naudojamas nukreipto tiriamojo interviu metodas. Tam pasitelkta riedutininkų klubo „Ketvirtadienio nakties karštis“ Vilniaus mieste surengta pilietinė iniciatyva „Atkreipk dėmesį – tu esi stebimas“. Buvo apklaustas pagrindinis šios iniciatyvos organizatorius, riedutininkų klubo prezidentas A. Šapola. Keliama hipotezė, kad išankstiniais ryšiais susiję žmonės susijungia į pasipriešinimo tinklą siekdami socialinio ar politinio pokyčio. Aktyvizmo panaudojimas tokiomis sąlygomis tampa veiksminga ryšių su visuomene priemone. Tyrimas patvirtino hipotezę, jog organizacijos įtikinę visuomenę, kad jiems svarbi problema kartu yra ir visuomenės problema... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The subject of this master thesis is an activism like device of public relation. This master explains how to relate two different ranges: an activism and public relation in practice. The aim of this work is to explain how it’s possible to used activism like device of public relation. The main objectives were these: to define activism and public relation definitions; to analyse theories of social movements; to analyse how and why public relation use an activism in its practice, what have an influence and decide success; to define main concepts of the research; to create methodology; to prove, that research example is a social movement and in the same time it is device of public relation. Interview was used as a method. Example of research is roller-skate club “Heat of Thursday night” social movement named “Attention – you are watched”. this action organizer was as respondent. This action was in Vilnius that very day, when in many cities in the world was „International days againts video“. The hypothesis was that “many ties connecting people in social network. Organization use this network like public relation device”. Hypothesis was fully supported by the research. Research show that network was flexible and changing in time. Organization convinces people to tackle a problem together and in the same time make image. This work might be used in further studies and practice of public relation and in the practice.

This thesis contributes to the knowledge and understanding of the anti-racist movement in Sweden by describing its development from the early 1930s to the mid-2000s. It pays special attention to mapping and analyzing the ideas that have motivated anti-racist activities and their importance for mobilizing support and movement activity. Using the theoretical toolbox of the framing perspective, the strengths, weaknesses, possibilities and limitations of different anti-racist frames are discussed, as are the consequences of different types of intra-movement frame disputes and frame contests with external actors. By tracing and describing the historical development of the movement and different types of anti-racist frames, I create a typology of different anti-racist actors - what I call pragmatic, radical and moderate anti-racists. The activities of these types of actors are described throughout the long and winding history of the movement. In the thesis, the movement’s history is divided into four waves of protest. The movement’s roots stretch back to the 1930s and the struggle against Fascism and Nazism. It continues during the 1960s and onwards with the anti-apartheid movement, the 1980s mass mobilizations against domestic racist groups and the intensified struggles of the last decades against racist extremism, right-wing populism and various aspects of structural racism. Based on the typology, three cases are selected for further scrutiny. Pragmatic anti-racism is studied through the activities of Stoppa rasismen (Stop racism) in the 1980s, radical anti-racism through Antifascistisk aktion (Antifascist action, also known as AFA) during the 1990s and moderate anti-racism through Samling mot rasism och diskriminering (Gathering against racism and discrimination) at the turn of the millennium. By gaining access to extensive empirical material I have been able to follow each case from its first steps to its downfall. The material has been gathered from a variety of sources using different qualitative techniques. I have conducted semi-structured interviews with activists and analyzed protocols, pamphlets, journals, internal bulletins, mails, posters, speeches, web pages that have been disbanded, pictures, films and books. The analysis shows that the different types of actors face different challenges, and have different strengths and weaknesses when it comes to mobilizing consensus and fostering participation. However, the three actors have also faced common challenges when trying to mobilize against racism given the national context, the self-image of Sweden as a tolerant, open and egalitarian country and the dominant views of racism, which taken together has turned racism into a serious but fairly marginal problem. The analysis also shows the effects of frame disputes and frame contests with regard to diagnostic, prognostic and motivational aspects of framing. At times the dividing lines have led to a broadening of the movement and its work, creating a wide mobilization potential and a strong multitudinous movement. During other periods the differences have contributed to long and profound conflicts that have drained the organizations and activists of time, resources and energy. Instead of focusing on combating their opponents, the anti-racist groups have been engulfed in internal strife, which has severely fragmented, divided and weakened the movement and hindered mobilization – contributing to turning the movement into a dispersed “milieu” by the mid-2000s. The thesis concludes with a chapter discussing how the empirical applicability of the framing perspective can be improved.

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In an ethnographic examination of the "modern" roller derby movement that began in the early 2000s, I explore Women's Flat Track Derby in Florida. What does it mean to be a roller derby player? How is she conceptualized and commodified? Or more centrally, how is third wave feminism used as a catalyst of this commodification? In order to fully appreciate, understand, and even embrace roller derby, I look at roller derby leagues as social movement organizations (SMOs) in order to note how they frame themselves and maintain collective identity the commodification of third wave feminism. First, I will explore various facets of the "modern" roller derby movement by way of gender, sexuality, and youth as central themes of roller derby culture and identity. Second, I note how roller derby utilizes rhetoric associated with third wave feminism. Third, I examine how roller derby is conceptualized as a social movement and while doing so note the charity organizations that various leagues support. I go on to explore how cultural capital is used in roller derby as a way to create insider knowledge while appropriating third wave feminism. Finally, I will look at how all aspects of roller derby I discussed illuminate a critique of third wave feminism. It is through these facets that I illustrate how the modern flat track roller derby employs third wave feminist rhetoric to produce and commodify the roller derby player identity.