Esta dissertação trata da produção autogestionária do habitat na cidade de Buenos Aires, como parte de um processo mais amplo de debates e práticas autogestionárias na América Latina. Partindo do contexto histórico, estuda as consequências políticas e sociais das reformas neoliberais na Argentina no campo habitacional, e analisa a ação dos movimentos sociais a partir da crise de 2001. Esse contexto recente foi favorável ao crescimento das práticas autogestionárias na produção habitacional e na luta pelo direito à cidade, iniciando no combate ao neoliberalismo extremo Menemista até a queda do presidente De La Rua, quando os trabalhadores passaram a ocupar fábricas, edifícios, ruas e praças em um processo de autogestão urbana sem precedentes na América Latina pós-ditaduras militares. Como estudo de caso, esta pesquisa recupera as experiências desenvolvidas pelas cooperativas habitacionais a partir da Lei 341/00, que permitiu a produção habitacional por autogestão através de organizações sociais, impulsionada principalmente pelo Movimento de Ocupantes e Inquilinos (MOI), aprofundando questões relativas a este movimento. Há muitos estudos sobre a influência da Fucvam (Fed. Uruguaia de Cooperativas de Habitação e Ajuda Mútua) nos movimentos de moradia brasileiros, demonstrando como os princípios autogestionários importados do Uruguai desencadearam no Brasil uma nova forma organizativa, diferente inclusive da matriz original. A análise da importação de um modelo para outra realidade permite que o próprio modelo original seja analisado sob nova perspectiva. A experiência argentina recente do MOI - Movimento de Ocupantes e Inquilinos, que, assim como a experiência brasileira, se alimentou das ideias da Fucvam, se destaca entre as experiências de autogestão do habitat como proposta inovadora em termos arquitetônicos, urbanos e organizativos, com importantes novidades em relação às experiências uruguaias e brasileiras. / This essay is regarding the self-managed production of the habitat in Buenos Aires, as part of a wide process of debates and self-management practices in Latin America. Starting from the historical context, it focus on political and social consequences of neoliberal reforms in Argentina on housing field, and analyses the action of the social movements since the crisis of 2001. The growth of the self-management practices in housing production and the fight for the right to the city were favored by this recent context, starting during the battle against the extreme neoliberalism \"Menemista\" until the fall of President De La Rua, when workers began to occupy factories, buildings, streets and squares in a process of urban selfmanagement with no precedents in Latin America after military dictatorships. As a case study, this research brings back the experiences developed by housing cooperatives initiated with the Code 341/00, which allowed housing production for selfmanagement through social organizations, mainly driven by the Occupiers and Tenants Movement (MOI), expanding the issues related to this movement. There are many studies about the influence of FUCVAM (Fed. Uruguaia of Housing Cooperatives and Mutual Aid) in Brazilian housing movements, demonstrating how self-management principles, which were imported from Uruguay, have set off a new organizational form in Brazil, even different from the original former. The application of imported model to a different reality brings a new perspective to the original model situation. The recent Argentine experience MOI - Movement Occupants and Tenants, who, like the Brazilian experience, fed the ideas of FUCVAM, stands out between the experiences of the habitat self-management as innovative proposal in terms of architecture, urban and organization, with important news related to the Uruguayan and Brazilian experiences.

The purpose of this study is to examine how the Swedish daily press Dagens Nyheter andSvenska Dagbladet during the period August 2018 until April 2019 portrays the youngactivist Greta Thunberg and the social movement and hashtag #Fridaysforfuture in theirarticles. The analysis has been executed through a qualitative content analysis and framing theory.The results of the study is that both news papers portays Greta Thunberg based on twothemes; age and functional limitation. When it comes to the social movements the newspapers portrays it based on two themes; age and incentives. The conclusion of this studyis that Greta Thunberg is portrayed through two perspectives based on the fact that she isa child. One perspective is that she is an independent child who refuses to go to schooland listen to other adult people. The second perspective involves a normative child whois ruled by their parents. The analysis results of the study also show that the #Fridaysforfuture movement is mainlyproduced on the basis that the movement consists of children and young people. Theparticipants of the movement are thus portrayed on the basis that they are children andyoung people.

The #MeToo movement is related to new forms of feminism, taking advantage of the online space for mobilisation. There are currently debates on the effect of feminist universalisation, post-colonial feminism and global movement’s on a local level. This study aims to understand how a globalmovement like the #MeToo integrates into already existing feminist efforts. While using India as a caste study, 10 urban Indian feminists have been interviewed to share their experiences on contemporary feminist mobilisation and the #MeToo movement. The study finds that the #MeToo movement have had an impact on Indian feminism, but at the same time is limited in its reach. Indian feminism is identified as ever diverse, with an increased incentive to learn and exchange experiences over identities to make feminist efforts more inclusive.

Student Number : 0419886N - MA research report - School of Politics - Faculty of Arts / “The longing for a better world will need to arise at the imagined meeting place of many movements of resistance, as many as there are sites of enclosure and exclusion. The resistance will be as transnational as capital. Because enclosure takes myriad forms, so shall resistance to it.” - Iain A Boal, First World, Ha Ha Ha!, City Lights, 1995 Boal’s description captures the exuberance, hope and confidence of today’s social movements. That there is something irresistible about autonomous, grassroots and subaltern movements in their anti-systemic alternatives to capitalism has become a notion which has gained considerable currency in recent years.1 Formations of these groups (the Zapatistas being the oft cited example) are seen to mirror theories of the most utopian and radical forms of democracy. In Part 1 we seek to examine a range of critical historiography in exploring the features of what is ‘new’ in today’s social movements, using Zapatista style organization and discourse as the prototype. This definition will be moulded with the elements of critical theory which have at their core a radical transformative function of social movements. For example Castells’ work on urban movements pictures: “collective conscious action aimed at the transformation of the institutionalized urban meaning against the logic, interest and values of the dominant class.”2 We will draw from Murray’s assumption that such movements “actively contest the prevailing forms of political representation and the legitimacy of political rule.”3 New social movements (NSM) will be seen within the context of anti-normative approaches to democracy. An alternative pole of reference will emerge in contrast to what we will term low intensity, liberal, parliamentary or bourgeois forms of democracy. All this will be lodged in an understanding of old social movements. We hold these to be single issue movements that fail to forge links to other sites of oppression and exploitation, or movements which take on a narrow class composition and understanding of change. Implicit in moving on from narrow, and or,Marxist-Leninist positions over class, is the multiplicity of relations humans have within the social body. This refutes crude economism conceptions regarding the make-up of the working class.4 However, capitalism and our relations to production, still remain central in understanding the relationship of the subject to the social body. We suggest recent crisis points and weaknesses in capitalism (detected as neo-liberal trends) provide plenty of scope for weaving an historical dialectic back in. Evidence for this comes from critical theory which claims, perhaps falsely, to be founded on anti-essentialism.5 We argue that it is commodification which breeds this resistance against the totalizing effect of capitalism at every level of the structure. Thus neo-liberalism embodies for much of this critical thought the subject of a “Fourth World War” fought by the multitude. 6 The mobile nature of contemporary capital and the immaterial essence of its production to define the multitude – essentially disenfranchised and disaffected subjects – has led to an expanded definition of the old working class.7 The multitude is the reinvention of some social subject invested in an historical project. This multitude has taken on a particular guise, moving away from traditional conceptions of a revolutionary class. As Negri and Hardt note: “The closer we look at the lives and activity of the poor, the more we see how enormously creative and powerful they are”.8 The poor embody the ontological condition not only of resistance but also of productive life itself.9 However, we will also attempt to locate moments within the subject that go beyond the indeterminacies and moments of rupture within the structure. Careful attention will be paid to Zizek’s subject of lack, in assessing the carnivalesque and irrational moments of today’s movements and the role of what we will view as a renewed sense of voluntarism. We remain conscious that we are forging a vision of new social movements which forges an at times uneasy alliance across a variety of groups who challenge dominant structures at different times, spaces and ways. It is sometimes tempting to lump various “anti-globalisation” groups together, without grasping the intricacies and nuances that bind as well as divide them. Ultimately, we accept some of the essentialist critique that can be levelled at NSM theory, recognizing a trope of romanticism around struggle is deliberately and necessarily invented. This will be fully discussed in the controversial claim that some movements and elements of civil society have more validity than others. It will be considered in claiming that moments of oppression, subordination and exploitation require articulation and don’t erupt into historical trajectories of struggle. This requires the development and expression of relative rather than fixed universals (e.g. around democracy, right to water, right to land). It is commodification and neo-liberalism that provides the stimulus for such relative universals. We shall see that they revolve around issues that are real to subjects in the narratives of their struggles and lives.11 Finding some fixity of meaning and experience ensures our analysis is not post-structuralist. Post-structuralism has fostered awkward relationships with truths which have, as Mamdani has noted, not always led to a basis of a “healthy humanism”.12 It leads to a universalized aestheticization whereby truth, reduced to merely a style effect of discursive articulation, forges an endless spectrum of interpretation/re-interpretation. 13 Moreover, it can be utilized to create legitimacy for fascist, colonialist and imperialist discourses. Part 1 attempts to provide the basis for the rest of the work by developing an understanding of the historicity of new social movements and what makes them different to other forms of political and social organisation. This is critical for later discussion which will draw upon the experiences of South Africa. In Part 2 we seek to build from the radical civil society theory and tease out features and characteristics of it within anti-apartheid social movements. This will involve an exploration around township civics which were and are often bundled under the umbrella of the United Democratic Front (UDF). Many of these were built around notions of People’s Power, economic transformation and social justice. We will consider the ideology present in these movements and how it played out in realities, acknowledging the highly repressive scenario of the apartheid state. Within these movements we will flesh out radical spaces and visions which appeared to have dissipated in the ANC hegemony over the decolonisation process and subsequent “transformation” project. We will not shy away from advocating that there were features within such radical spaces, such as Charterist, and or, unity projects, which emerged at various times to create implicitly anti-democratic politics. 14 Such problems as we will see went to the core of the UDF and also into the geo-polities of South Africa which became “ungovernable” in the 1980s. Depoliticization was not just a performative effect of ANC strength or “Stalinism” as often narrated by the left, but a weakness in the structure and formation of civil society. 15 We explore whether it was not just the ANC that “demobilized” the grassroots, but that the form and functioning of civil society that contributed to the conditions in which movements’ own radical notions of People’s Power and direct democracy dissipated. Part 3 will look at this demobilization within the context of the transition to democracy during the negotiated settlement.16 We scrutinize the nature of the period from apartheid to liberal democracy, noting trajectories of struggle which mark both eras. We argue that elements and goals in the struggle that sought a very different democracy to that gained at the CODESA talks have re-emerged in the deepening disillusionment of the ANC project after ten years of governance. This has within some discourse included the ability of the nation-state generally, within neo-liberalism, to bring about social justice. Yet, the suggestion that this is the period of “economic” rather than “racial” apartheid will need to be carefully explored in the context of Fanon’s characterization of national liberation elites.17 While noting the benefit an economic approach has in distinguishing the role of dominant classes, we suggest it can overshadow explicit structures of racism that penetrate to the core of South African society. They are brought out for example by grassroots movements such as the Landless People’s Movement (LPM), in their campaign that equated landlessness with racism. Finally Part 4 examines the extent characteristics we ascribe to the new social movements of South Africa correspond with the features of anti-apartheid struggles of the 1980s. Moreover, it requires us to assess the critical theory developed in Part 1 in terms of realities in post-Apartheid South Africa. We note the apprehension in considering parallels between anti-apartheid struggles and current rights based struggles. While there have been a few attempts to make links within a continuation of struggle from apartheid to neo-liberalism18, all too often, the anti-apartheid struggles that invoked notions of People’s Power have been dismissed as undemocratic, authoritarian and reactionary.19 While an attempt to wipe the slate clean might be useful in carving out a fresh and dynamic image for contemporary social movements, it perhaps ignores that there are similar issues, rhetoric and ideologies being played out today. We will explore whether the historiography simply seeks to justify and re-create contemporary social movements to create ammunition for particular strands of political theory judged to be liberationist and correct within the current historical juncture. Are we carving out a fictional historicity within the identity of struggle that doesn’t exist? Are narratives created more for attachments to a belief in certain “historical” processes than less sharply defined realities? Is the multitude, merely Marx’s 19th century industrial working class, vested with an imaginary historical project? Noting the background of many individuals involved within the APF (trade union, SACP), we need to discuss how they have been placed on a new trajectory of thought given the features which define today’s subjects in NSM compared to orthodox Marxist-Leninist thought around the revolutionary subject. We hope a sketch of the past and an analysis of the present may contribute in the current debates within the social movements during a critical time for anti-capitalist struggles in South Africa. This work is not concerned with producing exhaustive lists of repressive acts conducted by the state, the brutality of private security firms, or broken election promises, but in uncovering the structure of the post-apartheid state and how social movements respond and re-create themselves. Despite their youth, they represent the first serious contestation of ANC hegemony in terms of an alternative discourse around democracy, social justice and transformation. This work has been made possible through regular contact with social movements in Gauteng. Informal participatory discussions with various activists and communities within these struggles have been invaluable and enlightening. Such first hand experience has provided an insight into the operative nature and democratic functioning of a variety of movements including the role of vanguards and leadership. My attendance at various forums and discussions, such as the Social Movements Indaba (SMI), has also been vital. Fundamentally, the work hinges upon a critical exploration from three areas. Firstly, in the discussion necessary to establish a historicity of new social movements which will point to their methodological and epistemic construction. Secondly, upon an understanding of the South African experience that can cover an immense ground from apartheid into liberal-democracy which is aware and responsive to a wide range of historiography. Thirdly, a series of interviews and personal reflections from discussions with various activists across South Africa. Some are well known leaders. Others form part of the collective multitudes beginning to emerge and speak through the fissures of South African society. Relationships that I have made, as well as recent political events, culminated in the choices of the Khayelitsha township of Cape Town, Alexandra in Johannesburg and Harrismith in the Free State as the sites for this part of the research.21 The methodology hinges upon an accurate reflection and assessment of contemporary social movements from the people who participate and function within them, together with an historiographical account of social movements in the South African experience. Limitations here are perhaps obvious. Interviewees may have the tendency to be modest or emphasize their own personal role in struggles. Attendance of community meetings and forums is hoped to counter-balance this together with the use of contemporary subject work. However, there can be no objective yardstick by which to judge the contributions found in this paper. Furthermore, the lack of rigour within the methodology would alarm the majority of modernist and positivist historians and commentators. Yet, it is with this aim that the work attempts to accept the criticisms of romanticism, myth, euphoria and narratives in seeking to forge the very conditions outlined by Boal in which we might find the same “imagined meeting place” and discussion of freedom.

À travers l’étude de trois types de mobilisations autour de la reconnaissance de l’islam en France, notre thèse de doctorat questionne la puissance d’agir (agency) de sujets musulmans intégralistes. Insérés dans une société régie par des ensembles de normes complexes et variables, dans laquelle la norme religieuse n’est qu’une norme parmi d’autres, ces sujets désirent vivre par et à l’intérieur des normes musulmanes. Ce désir leur étant fortement dénié, il les pousse à « travailler » autant les normes majoritaires que l’idéalité des normes musulmanes. Dans une perspective butlérienne, nous allons nous attacher à l’étude de la puissance d’agir de ces sujets musulmans et à l’analyse des diverses manières de réaménager les normes qui les constituent. Les demandes de reconnaissance formulées par les enquêtés constituent leurs puissances d’agir. Elles se développent à des degrés fort variés, en combinant des normes religieuses et des normes relatives au cadre national, et par ce processus, ces sujets de l’islam redéfinissent les conceptions normatives du sujet croyant, du sujet politique et protestataire et enfin du sujet genré. / By studying three types of mobilizations aiming at the recognition of Islam in France, our thesis examines the agency of Integralists Muslim subjects. These subjects live in a society governed by sets of complex and varying standards in which the religious norm is just a norm among others. They want to live in and within the Muslim norms but this desire being strongly denied, they are encouraged to "work" the majority norms as well as the ideality of Muslim norms. Using J. Butler’s approach, I studied the agency of Muslim subjects and analyses the various ways to redevelop the standards that constitute them. The demands for recognition made ​​by our respondents constitute their agency. This agency develops in varying degrees combining religious norms and norms relating to the national framework. By this process the subjects of Islam redefine the normative conceptions of the believing subject, of the political and protesting subject, and finally of the gendered subject.

O presente estudo aborda narrativas de mulheres em torno das mobilizações por elas realizadas e/ou protagonizadas, no contexto da atual indústria da grande mineração no município de Conceição do Mato Dentro, MG. Mais especificamente, busca apresentar e discutir narrativas sobre articulações políticas suscitadas a partir dos impactos causados pela implementação do empreendimento Minas-Rio, da empresa Anglo American. Para isso, foi realizada uma pesquisa participante, que envolveu visitas às comunidades, conversas informais, entrevistas e oficinas com mulheres indicadas pelo Movimento pela Soberania Popular na Mineração (MAM) por serem ou terem se tornado lideranças comunitárias. O empreendimento Minas-Rio está em funcionamento desde 2008 e compreende um amplo complexo minerador, que inclui instalações localizadas em vários municípios da região de Conceição do Mato Dentro: lavra principal, barragem de rejeitos e pilhas de estéril, planta de beneficiamento e tratamento de minério, o maior mineroduto do mundo e uma linha independente de transmissão de energia. A partir dos relatos registrados, foi possível perceber a drástica alteração que a chegada da grande mineração promoveu no modo de vida e na organização sócio-cultural das moradoras e moradores do entorno. Entre essas mudanças, destacam-se a falta de água (o que, para uma população majoritariamente camponesa, representa um profundo impacto), mudanças na economia local, alterações fundiárias, remoção de famílias e comunidades inteiras de seus territórios de origem, sentimento constante medo de um rompimento da barragem, aumento da violência, poluição de rios e do ar, entre outras. Além disso, os relatos apontam uma série de violações de direito ao longo do processo de implementação do empreendimento, o que vem gerando conflitos não somente em torno das mudanças no cotidiano de moradores, mas também em torno do modo de negociação e atuação da empresa / The present study deals with the narratives of women around they mobilizations and / or they perform around the context of the current mining industry in the municipality of Conceição do Mato Dentro, MG. Been more specific, the essay wants to show and discuss narratives about political articulations outcome from the impact caused by the implementation of the Minas-Rio; an operation from Anglo American company. It was made a field research, visits to communities, informal conversations, interview and workshops with women\'s indicated from the Movement for Popular Sovereignty in Mining (Movimento pela Soberania Popular na Mineração - MAM). Because those woman\'s were or will become community leaderships. Minas-Rio entrepreneurship are working since 2008. The company operates in a large complex of mining with are located in different counties from Conceição do Mato Dentro area: places you take of the minerals; tailings dam; waste drumps; beneficiation plant; minerals treatments; the bigger mineral pipeline in the world; and a electrical power transmission line. From the recorded reports, it was possible to perceive the drastic changes after the mining company implantation in the people\'s way of life and in the people\'s socio-cultural organisation. Is possible to highlight the lake of water (with is a serious issue since the majority of the people are peasants); economical changes; removal of families and whole communities from the original places; impunity and fear for the rupture of the dams; increased violence; rivers and air force pollution; and so one. In addition, the reports showing lots human rights violations over the Company implementation. Which has generated conflicts not only around changes in people life\'s but also around the way of negotiation and behavior of the company

[pt] O objetivo deste estudo foi discutir a trajetória da luta pela garantia dos direitos de cidadania das pessoas atingidas pela hanseníase, empreendida pelo Movimento de Reintegração das Pessoas Atingidas pela Hanseníase, o Morhan, tendo como referência analítica o trabalho clássico de José Murilo de Caravalho sobre a construção dos direitos de cidadania no Brasil. A relevância acadêmica da investigação está em estudar um movimento social com as características do Morhan, predominantemente urbano, de abrangência nacional e representando forças sociais marginalizadas e, por que não dizer, estigmatizadas na sociedade brasileira. Além disso, o trabalho procura discutir a capacidade de mobilização e de articulação de um grupo social na luta pelos direitos civis, políticos e, mais especialmente, sociais, aspecto ainda recente na história política do país. Contudo a abordagem de um movimento social com tal magnitude está para além da necessidade de se descrever uma forma de se manifestar de um estrato da sociedade brasileira, mas é sem dúvida uma obrigação dos diferentes campos do saber tentar captar efeitos que estão e estarão no futuro, para muito além da história oficial, mas em essência na memória sofrida dessas pessoas, e que está fadada ao esquecimento, principalmente, porque infelizmente as pessoas que viveram o isolamento compulsório e que são a memória viva das adversidades provocadas por uma política higienista inconseqüênte, estão morrendo. Foi um grande desafio realizar um trabalho como esse, pois precisamos tentar descrever e analisar a organização de uma associação de pessoas em prol de uma causa, e que essa causa antes de qualquer ideal, tinha como premissa básica a simples preservação da vida, e hoje cerca de duas décadas depois da criação dessa organização, além dessas pessoas marcarem suas posições como cidadãos brasileiros por afirmação, ainda colecionam conquistas que as tornou visíveis em diferentes países do mundo. Como conclusão podemos dizer que o Morhan é majoritariamente um movimento social urbano, que tem sua trajetória marcada pela luta por direitos de cidadania das pessoas atingidas pela hanseníase. Essa luta tem maior ênfase no campo dos direitos sociais, pois em nossa viagem pelo tempo e espaço do Morhan essa luta é mais recente, mas também a mais intensa. Não que o movimento não ansiasse pelos direitos sociais desde o inicio de sua trajetória, mas em nossa pesquisa documental, só conseguimos perceber a materialização desta luta por direitos sociais no período mais recente. Mais precisamente do fim da década de 1990 aos dias atuais. Ademais, é importante ressaltar que para nossa surpresa, os outros direitos, civis e políticos, também tiveram destaque na trajetória de luta do Morhan, principalmente os direitos políticos. Fato este que nos permitiu perceber que um movimento social como o Morhan aponta para uma vitalidade da sociedade brasileira em sua luta por direitos. / [en] This study discusses the trajectory of the Reintegration Movement of People Affected with Hansen s Disease (Movimento de Reintegração das Pessoas Atingidas pela Hanseníase - Morhan) in its battle for citizenship rights for people suffering from leprosy, seen through the analytical reference of José Murilo de Caravalho s classic work on the building of citizenship rights in Brazil. The academic relevance lies in studying Morhan s characteristics: a predominantly urban, nationwide movement representing marginalized and stigmatized social forces. Furthermore, this study discusses a recent aspect of Brazil s political history, which is the great mobilizing and articulating ability of a social group in the battle for civil, political and, above all, social rights. However, approaching a social movement with such magnitude is beyond a description of a form of manifestation of a stratum of Brazilian society. Different fields of knowledge should undoubtedly try to capture effects that exist and will continue to exist in the future, beyond official history, the essence of these people s painful memories. And they are doomed to oblivion because, alas, people who survived compulsory isolation, and who are a living memory of the adversities of an inconsequential hygienist policy, are dying. It was a great challenge to conduct this study because it required describing and analyzing the organization of an association fighting for a cause that was first and foremost the preservation of life and now, twenty years after its creation, still collects triumphs of Brazilians who affirm their position as citizens and who have become visible in different parts of the world. In the final analysis, Morhan can be mostly said to be an urban social movement fighting for citizenship rights of people suffering from leprosy. This battle places more emphasis in the field of social rights, since this is Morhan s more recent albeit more intense battle. Truthfully said, the movement has pined for social rights since the beginning of its trajectory; however, our research only perceived the materialization of this battle for social rights as a recent phenomenon, particularly after the 1990 s. Moreover, is important to emphasize that to our surprise, the other rights, civil and political, were also highlighted in the path of struggle of Morhan, particularly political rights. This led us to believe that a social movement such as Morhan distinguishes vitality in Brazilian society in its battle for citizenship rights.

[pt] Este trabalho tem como objetivo examinar as histórias de três núcleos acadêmicos de estudos sobre a população negra no Brasil, conhecidos como NEAB s, com o intuito de discutir em que aspectos eles contribuem para o enfrentamento do Racismo no Brasil: CEAA, CEAB e NIREMA. Os NEAB s têm atuado, desde o surgimento do primeiro deles- o CEAA - na cena universitária do Rio de Janeiro como um espaço de reflexão e ação em que engaja pesquisadores e militantes em alguma atividade dirigida a combater o Racismo no país. Esses núcleos representam uma instância acadêmica de construção de conhecimento coletivo e interdisciplinar sobre a população negra e articulam os múltiplos discursos sobre as relações raciais que existem na academia, promovendo através das suas atividades e publicações a concretização desses discursos. Com diálogo sempre aberto com as militâncias sociais negras, acreditamos que os núcleos de estudos acadêmicos se diferenciam dessas por serem um sub-campo de conhecimento científico que os tornam espaços de construção de produção no que diz respeito às questões raciais. Optamos por uma metodologia qualitativa e analisamos essa história à luz de seis entrevistas concedidas no decorrer deste trabalho bem como a análise de alguns documentos sobre esses núcleos. Do ponto de vista conceitual, adotaremos os conceitos Racismo, raça, identidade e campo científico para sustentar nossas reflexões. / [en] The aim of this work is to learn the histories of three academic centers for Africandescendents studies in Brazil, known as the NEAB s - CEAA, CEAB and NIREMA - with the purpose of understanding the nature of their contribution to the struggle against Racism in Brazil. Since the birth of the first NEAB in Rio de Janeiro - the CEAA -, these centers have served as spaces for academic studies and social action, where researchers and militants combine efforts to fight against Racism in the country. These centers provide academic knowledge and an interdisciplinary point of view about the black population. Furthermore, the NEAB s articulates multiple social voices, by the promotion of academic activities and publications. We believe that the NEAB s are different from the militancy itself due to its character of scientific knowledge branch, which is consistently opened to the social black movement representatives. Therefore, the main contribution of the NEAB s is to produce academic knowledge about the racial relations in Brazil. In terms of methodology, we used a qualitative approach to analyze six interviews granted by scholars related to the three centers under examination and a small set of documents about the history of those centers. The concepts that highlight this work are: Racism, race, identity and scientific knowledge branch.

Com base em pesquisa realizada no Município de São José dos Campos, São Paulo, Brasil, através de entrevistas e registros em diário de campo, identificou-se e analisou-se os atores sociais locais e sua relação com os temas da participação, dos movimentos sociais e da saúde. Em termos teóricos , classificou-se, a interpretação dos movimentos sociais e da participação em duas direções: uma voltada para a autonomia e, outra para a construção de uma esfera pÚblica. Em termos dos atores sociais analisados, e de suas perspectivas de ação, relacionaram-se diferentes concepções a respeito de saúde. Dois níveis de ação ocupavam o centro da esfera pública: uma ação política, que através do \"movimento\" guardaria um sentido de oposição e de mudança, e uma ação sindical que se basearia na obtenção de salários e melhorias para o grupo de trabalhadores envolvidos. As demandas e expectativas em relação a saúde, ou a um modelo público de saúde, são determinadas por um contexto de discriminação existente entre serviços públicos e privados, sendo estes últimos oferecidos, através de convenios e seguro saúde, aos trabalhadores. As ações de saúde, encontram-se fragmentadas pelos interesses corporativos profissionais, bem como privados e políticos, como de oposição, de crítica generalizada e de procura de obtenção de resultados imediatos. / On the basis of research undertaken in the City of São José dos Campos, São Paulo State, Brazil, and with the use of interview techniques and entries made in a field log, the local social actors involved in the themes health, participation and social movements were identified and analysed. The two following conclusions to the study were drawn. The first, from the theoretical point of view, two tendencies regarding the interpretation of social movements were classified: one towards autonomy and the other towards the reconstruction of the public sphere. The second conclusion, in terms of the social actors analysed and of their actions related to of diversity of meanings attributed to \"health\". two levels of action occupied the center of the stage with regard to the public sphere, on one hand, political action expressing the desire for change and, on the other trade-union action. the demands and aspirations in terms of health should be seen within the context of existing gap between public and private health services, these last offered to the working class by means of contracts between private health services and employers. Health actions were highly fragmented among corporative interests - professional as well as private - and political ones as regards opposition, criticism and results.

Thesis advisor: William B. Stevenson / Thesis advisor: Sandra Waddock / The main purpose of this dissertation research is to understand the collaborative interactions among actors engaging in change efforts in the existing institutional arrangements. Specifically, this dissertation research sheds light on the collaboration networks of social investors who desire both their own financial benefits and stakeholder welfare, by filing shareholder resolutions to bring environmental or stakeholder concerns to the attention of corporate managers. My research strategy in this dissertation is to propose and write a theoretical study and two empirical studies. I propose in chapter 2 a conceptual and theoretical framework for inquiring into social investors' collaboration strategies to develop the field of shareholder resolutions on social issues. The key argument is researchers pay attention to focal actors, multiple actors, and the relationships among them to understand the social mechanisms which integrate active shareholders with the field of social resolutions. In order to determine social investors' strategies to initiate and mobilize their filing activities, based on the social movement perspectives and a social network approach, I propose four conceptual dimensions from the social movement perspectives: identity, social relationships, target identification, and issue framing. In two empirical studies, I test my propositions by analyzing 1650 shareholder resolutions filed by 267 social investors from 2002 to 2007. The first study presented in chapter 4 addresses who initiate social resolution filings, by examining determinants of social investors' proactive initiating activities. When religious investors have brokerage positions, their initiating activity of filing social resolutions are very proactive. However, social investors' range of stock ownership does not go along with their brokerage positions. These findings imply that leading social investors need to have brokerage positions when they have faith-based identity, but that they don't need social resources when they have enough financial resources, a wide range of stocks. The second study presented in chapter 5 explains how leading social investors attract to mobilize their potential followers. Interestingly, the reciprocation hypothesis, "give and take of co-filing support," is negatively supported, indicating a division of labor in the field of social resolutions. In addition, lead-filing social investors who successfully attract and mobilize other investors aim at target companies that are well known among other social investors, and frame issues in wide angles in their social resolutions. These empirical studies demonstrate that active social investors developed their collaboration networks dependent upon their faith-based identity, social relations, targets identification and issue framing strategies. In this dissertation, I assert the necessity and importance of studies on the activities of shareholders by demonstrating that some active investors have strategically led the socially responsible investment movement. This dissertation provides counter-evidence to the conventional assumption that corporate managers should ignore stakeholder welfare if they pursue shareholder value. It also demonstrates that the network-based movements can be a good platform for social change agents to develop their own fields. Strategically, as they interact with each other, small and weak actors can build their own field to collectively influence corporate management. In this sense, the network-based movements underscore the way the infrastructure of a field emerges. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. Carroll School of Management. / Discipline: Organization Studies and Corporate Responsibility.