Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 1Joao Carlos de Campos.pdf: 1113212 bytes, checksum: f3c7d25ef5b8db4e7de7a8b2aaf0c55a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-29 / This work allows a reflection on the historical process of creation and implementation of the Latin American Schools of Agro-ecology, under the responsibility of CLOC-Via Campesina (Latin American Coordination of Rural Organizations and Via Campesina), as an established strategy to carry on formation of activists to build up the integration of peasants of Latin America. This school project had its begin on the first years of the 21st century. It is rooted in the perspective of Bolivarian Alliance to People of Our America ALBA (Commerce Trade of the People), out of the concept that integration is cooperation, solidary and complementarity. Therefore, the problem in this paper is to analyze how to express the Latin American integration in the curriculum of these schools. From a qualitative analytical approach the general goal of this dissertation was to analyze how the Latin American integration expresses itself in the formation process of the students of the Latin American School of Agro-ecology (ELAA-Brasil) and of the Latin American College Institute of Agro-ecology Paulo Freire (IALA-Paulo Freire/Venezuela), throughout the curricular framing and syllabus of the disciplines. In order to come to true this objective the following specific goals were established: a) to present some aspects of theories that guide the concept of Latin American integration in the region; b) to present the historical process of creation and implementation of the schools of Agro-ecology of the CLOC-Via Campesina in Brasil and Venezuela; c) highlight from the curriculums of those schools listed above the mention of Latin American Integration; d) identify and analyze the concept of integration expressed in the curricular framing and its contends. From the literature, documentary and field research , which was gathered from the Latin American School of Agroecology Cloca - Via Campesina fit into the context of a dispute of class projects with antagonistic content, and express the theoretical orientations of curriculum and content the disciplines that make up the courses , as well as the internationalist character, which are in the opposite direction of the projects that advocate the integration and incorporation of new markets. It is a political , educational and social project that aims to shine their light to the different corners of Latin America, since the subjects trained in Elaa Iala Paulo Freire and return to their countries of origin where they continue to struggle for a decent life for future generations , to build and strengthen a new mode of production oriented to socialism and supported in agroecology , which is linked to the need for an integration that takes place among Latin American countries to constitute a " Patria Grande " Latin America based on values of equality and solidarity. / O presente trabalho permite uma reflexão sobre o processo histórico da criação e implementação das Escolas Latino-Americanas de Agroecologia da Coordenadora Latino-Americana de Organizações do Campo e Via Campesina (Cloc-Via Campesina) como uma estratégia de formação de militantes na construção da integração camponesa latino-americana. Este projeto de escola teve início na metade da primeira década do século XXI, orienta-se desde a perspectiva da Aliança Bolivariana para os Povos de Nossa América Tratado de Comércio dos Povos (Alba-TCP), que parte da concepção de integração como cooperação, solidariedade e complementaridade, portanto, a problemática neste trabalho é analisar como se expressa a integração latino-americana na estrutura curricular destas escolas. A partir de uma abordagem qualitativa e analítica o objetivo geral desta dissertação foi analisar como se expressa a integração latino-americana na formação dos estudantes da Escola Latino-Americana de Agroecologia (Elaa-Brasil) e do Instituto Universitário Latino-Americano de Agroecologia Paulo Freire (Iala Paulo Freire-Venezuela), por meio da organização curricular e dos conteúdos inscritos nas disciplinas. Para concretizar esse objetivo foram definidos os seguintes objetivos específicos: a) apresentar aspectos de algumas teorias que orientam o conceito de integração latino-americana e suas lições na conformação teórica da integração na região; b) apresentar o processo histórico de criação e da implementação das escolas de agroecologia da Cloc-Via Campesina no Brasil e na Venezuela, como constitutivo central da construção do currículo dessas escolas; c) destacar nos currículos das referidas escolas os conteúdos que tratam especificamente sobre a integração latino-americana; d) identificar e analisar a concepção de integração expressa na organização curricular e seus conteúdos. A partir da pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo, se depreendeu que as Escolas Latino-americanas de Agroecologia da Cloca-Via Campesina se inserem no contexto de disputa de projetos de classe com conteúdos antagônicos, e expressam nas orientações teóricas do currículo e nos conteúdos das disciplinas que compõem os cursos ministrados, como também pelo caráter internacionalista, que estão na direção contrária dos projetos que defendem a integração como processo de incorporação de novos mercados. Trata-se de um projeto político, educativo e social que pretende irradiar sua luz aos distintos rincões da América Latina, pois os sujeitos formados na Elaa e no Iala Paulo Freire retornarão aos seus países de origem onde continuarão a luta por uma vida digna para as futuras gerações, na construção e fortalecimento de um novo modo de produção orientado ao socialismo e apoiado na agroecologia, que se vincula à necessidade de uma integração que se realiza entre países latino-americanos por constituir a Pátria Grande latino-americana com base nos valores de igualdade e solidariedade.

The political tensions between different feminisms, emerging virtually in tandem with the origins of 'second wave' women's movements themselves, continue to present challenges for cooperation and collective action. If flourishing feminist solidarities are to be forged, it is imperative to attend to these divisions, requiring a robust understanding of how they have developed. Though a growing body of research exists on the emotions of feminism, alongside a much more expansive one on emotions and social movements more generally, the emotions of specific feminist movements remain relatively under-explored. This research aims to generate a deeper understanding of radical feminism through a historical examination of its emotion culture during the crucial transition between the development of the 'second wave' of Women's Liberation in the 1970s and the emergence of the 'third wave' in the 1990s. It takes radical feminist writings about the timely and controversial paradigms of medicine and psychoanalysis as a window on the movement's emotion culture in the 1980s. Employing archival documentary methods and a case study approach, the research draws upon the pivotal radical feminist magazine Trouble and Strife as its sole data source. Exploring the text through literary ethnographic analysis and foregrounding a historical lens, it surfaces radical feminism's emotion culture and highlights the way that its development was bound up with the specificities of its historical moment. The movement's emotion culture was fundamentally a relational one, constituted through its specific political lens on the relationships in which radical feminists were entangled. As the 'heady days' of 1970s radical social movements gave way to the British state's turn to neoliberalism, the proliferating reach of its individualist ideological paradigm, and deepening divisions between the evolving strands of the 'second wave', radical feminists were confronted with an array of changing relationships to negotiate. Their uniquely uncompromising stance toward men, their long-established tense relationship with socialist and Marxist feminisms, and their critical view of ascending feminist uptake of psychoanalysis gave rise to an emotion culture which centred around their relationships with each of these. This research contributes to theories of emotions in social movements by focusing on the historically and ideologically specific, rather than emphasising the more general social movement strategic goals which are a common (though not universal) focus in this area. It adds to a small body of work on background emotions, and shows one way that they can be studied empirically. It also contributes to the growing body of work on feminism and emotions, and particularly to research which aims to explain the contentions between feminisms, as feminist researchers move away from the outmoded view of these contentions as simplistic generational divides and seek out explanations through the complex emotionality of feminist relationships.

O objetivo dessa pesquisa é explicar quais os motivos que levaram os ativistas da Frente San-dinista de Libertação Nacional (FSLN) da Nicarágua a se engajarem em um movimento de alto risco. Argumenta-se que o recrutamento ocorreu nas diferentes fases do movimento e, para explicá-lo, foram reconstruídas as oportunidades políticas para o surgimento da Frente Sandinista; as razões da escolha do repertório de confronto violento; a combinação desse re-pertório com outro não violento; o processo de constituição da liderança de Carlos Fonseca e seu papel angular na construção dos enquadramentos interpretativos sandinistas que atraíram os ativistas para a mobilização. A dissertação analisa também o perfil sociopolítico de ativis-tas de alto risco atuantes no caso estudado, aferindo suas semelhanças e diferenças em compa-ração com participantes de outros movimentos revolucionários latino-americanos. Procura-se identificar fatores individuais e estruturais que levaram esses ativistas a se decidirem por tal tipo de engajamento. Foram utilizadas técnicas de pesquisa quantitativa e qualitativa para ana-lisar 121 entrevistas em profundidade das e dos ativistas da Frente Sandinista. Os resultados afiançam que os motivos para engajamento no ativismo de alto risco foram: uma profunda identificação com o antissomozismo propalado pelo movimento, facilitada pela disponibilida-de biográfica dos ativistas e por seus laços sociais, prévios ao seu engajamento, em particular vínculos organizacionais, com os movimentos estudantil e religioso, e vínculos pessoais, via amigos e familiares. / The objective of this research is to explain the motives that led the activists of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) of Nicaragua to engage in a high-risk movement. As re-cruitment occurred in different phases of the movement, it was rebuilt the political opportuni-ties for the emergence of the Sandinista Front; the reasons for the choice of violent confronta-tion repertoire; the combination of this repertoire with a nonviolent repertoire; the leadership of Carlos Fonseca and its angular role in the construction of the Sandinistas interpretive frameworks that attracted activists to mobilize. Once rebuilt the movement\'s bases, analyzed the overall profile and high risk of activists, assessing their similarities and differences com-pared to participants from other Latin American revolutionary movements; and individual and structural factors that led these activists decided on this type of engagement. Quantitative and qualitative research techniques were used to analyze 121 in-depth interviews of activists and the Sandinista Front. The results bail that the reasons for engaging in high-risk activism were a deep identification with the anti-somozismo movement, facilitated by biographical availabil-ity of activists and their social ties, organizational and individual, prior to their engagement. Ties with the student movement and religious prevail between (the) recruited (them), as well as strong ties with friends and family.

abstract: This study explores the online recruitment and mobilization of followers in a social movement. In this study, I identify and analyze how certain narratives were produced, distributed and recirculated online by a social movement organization that depicted players in the movement in ways that engaged followers in actions of advocacy and support. Also, I examine how particular narratives were taken up, negotiated, amplified, and distributed by online supporters who eventually become co-tellers of the narrative and ultimately advocates on behalf of the social movement. By examining a selection of media statements, open letters, protest speeches, blogs, videos and pictures, I show how online practices might contribute to inspiring and mobilizing action or responses from a large number of followers. Data include selected excerpts from an online social movement that began in Norway in 2015 and later gathered momentum and strength outside of Norway and Europe. This multi-modal analysis of digital practices demonstrates how collaboratively produced narratives (e.g., of suffering, sorrow, persecution or resilience) emerge and gain traction in the digital space, the relationship between the temporal and spatial dimensions of narrative, and the role of collective memory in building a sense of community and shared identity. Demonstrating the dialogic and interactional dimensions of meaning-making processes, this case study informs how we might theorize and understand the role of identity and narrative in the emergence and amplification of social movements. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation English 2019

Mixed Race Antecedents: Black Hybridity in Cultural Production, 1960-1989 looks at how cultural producers of African descent in the U.S. from the 1960s through the 1980s conceptualized racial and cultural hybridity. I analyze writers and artists who were grappling with how to think about their multiple heritages while simultaneously considering the political implications of their racial hybridity. Before the Census Movement of the 1990s narrowed the discussion of racial hybridity to boxes on government forms, these playwrights, authors, and visual artists were thinking about hybridity in a different register. They explored connections between personal and political identities, the relationships between experiences and art, and the significance of having multiple racial/ethnic heritages when race in America was still very much operating under the auspices of the one-drop rule. Their creative explorations during this time distinguishes them as mixed race antecedents, those who were looking for the political and aesthetic uses of black hybridity during the Civil Rights Movement, Women’s and Gay Liberation, and their corollary art movements. I draw from critical race theory, performance studies, autobiography studies, and cultural studies to understand the complex relationship artists and writers had to the social movements that defined their historical moment while asserting their own conceptions of how racial hybridity functions for those of African descent in the U.S. In so doing, this project challenges the predominant narrative of critical mixed race studies by arguing that mixed race identity formations were emerging in American culture during and after the civil rights era, not just during the Census Movement. Particularly, I focus on the possibility of racial and cultural hybridity not replacing blackness, like what a post-racial world would ask us to do, but instead, prompting further exploration and expansion of blackness.

Dieser Beitrag in der Zeitschrift Gruppe. Interaktion. Organisation analysiert Leadership in Organisationen der spanischen Protestbewegung. Es werden Idealvorstellungen der AktivistInnen von Führung, deren Umsetzung in der Praxis, damit einhergehende Probleme und der Umgang mit diesen Problemen dargestellt. Theoretische Grundlage sind Critical Leadership Studies, die Führung nicht als das Handeln einzelner Personen, sondern als Prozess des gesamten beteiligten Systems interpretieren und damit klar zwischen Leadership und Führungspersonen unterscheiden. Ferner werden Konsequenzen für die Führungspraxis auch in konventionellen Organisationen diskutiert.

L'objet de cette thèse consiste à appréhender les impacts du mouvement social sur la division sexuée du travail. Elle prend pour cas d'analyse les luttes sociales survenues dans l'entreprise bisontine Lip entre 1973 et 1981. Ces grèves longues, mixtes, rendues célèbres par leurs allures autogestionnaires, sont porteuses d'une dynamique de changement indéniable. Or notre recherche montre que malgré la radicalité des moyens employés par les grévistes, l'émancipation féminine n'a pas eu lieu au cours des luttes. Cela étant, nous montrons que la grève favorise une perception par les ouvrières des inégalités de genre. En comparant les trajectoires féminines et masculines avant, pendant et après la période des luttes, nous mettons en évidence une pérennisation des hiérarchies de genre et de classe, y compris dans l'action militante, même si des logiques de résistances sont repérables à postériori. De fait, les infléchissements biographiques observés marquent un accès à la prise de conscience de la domination masculine, en lien avec les interactions entre les ouvrières et des collectifs féministes. En somme, cette thèse revient sur la portée subversive des luttes de chez Lip, au regard d'un contexte historique spécifique, des trajectoires et des socialisations, et des modalités de production par les femmes d'une mémoire sociale. / This PhD dissertation is to seek to understand the impacts of the social movement on the sexual division of work . lt takes for cases of analysis social struggles that have happened in the bisontine company Lip, between 1973 and 1981. Those strikes which were long, made up of men and women, embodying an idea l self-management, carry on a great dynamic force for change. But our search shows that in spite of the radicality of the ways used by the strikers, the women's emancipation didn't take place during the fights. However, the militant commitment favars a perception by women workers of gender inequalities. Comparing women and men trajectories before, during and after the social movement, we highlight an ongoing of gender and class hierarchies, including in militant actions, even though somme resistances are observed. lndeed, the studied biographical disruptions show an access to the awerness of the male domination, also related with the interaction between women workers and feminists movements. At last, this research come back on the subversive reach of Lip's strikes, in view of a particular historical context, trajectories and socialisations, and the way the women participate in the production of a social memory.

The origin of voluntary organizations has not been studied much in sociology. This study develops a three-phase model of a voluntary organization origin and three case studies are conducted to try out the model. The aim of the study is to describe and analyze the birth of a voluntary organization and its development. The empiric material has been gathered in three voluntary organizations from the mid-80'ies. The organizations are Noaks Ark (working with HIV), 5i12-rörelsen (working with refugees) and Farsor och Morsor på Stan (working with teenagers in Stockholm city). All three organizations still exist. The empiric material has been collected though interviews and other written materials. The theoretical model is divided into three phases, the preorigin phase, the phase of origin and the maturity phase. Each phase has its special character and there is no automatic transference to the next phase. In the first phase - the preorigin phase - the key notion is the entrepreneur or the agitator. The entrepreneur or the agitator sees a problem in society. Often this is coupled with a personal experience of the problem and a desire to do something about it. They gather more knowledge in the area, meet other people and develop an idea of how to solve the problem. In the phase of origin the key notion is the organizer. The leader has to have knowledge of organizing; how to organize people and how to mobilize resources. The organizers are often charismatic and use their charisma to gather people around their idea. In the maturity phase all the distinctive marks of a voluntary organizations can be seen. The key notion is the members' need for security and continuity. The members can also develop a personal need for the organization. The dependence on the founder or the leader decreases in significance, and bureaucracy is developed. Forces outside and inside the organization influence the voluntary organization and it is shaped by its history and surrounding. It is argued that the emergence of a voluntary organization is dependent on three things that has to coincide, discontent and an idea how to relieve it, resources and an organizer. The empiric findings support the three-phase model. In theory the phases are distinctive but in the case studies the phases could overlap.

In 2003, the town of Craik initiated a unique renewable energy project with the dual goals of addressing both the environmental and the rural economic crisis. This Masters thesis provides an exploration of the factors that both facilitate and constrain the advancement of this project. The research focuses on the question: What are the cultural and social factors that inhibit the Craik project from meeting its environmental and economic goals? New social movement theory provides a theoretical framework for explaining contradictions within social movements, while a critical ethnographic methodology is used to uncover specific underlying contradictions that exist at Craik. This thesis analyzes the dynamics of facilitating and non-facilitating factors to make visible the deeper sources of conflict, to contribute to theoretical models of social change and understandings of community development. Furthermore, the thesis provides direction for the Craik eco-project that can further the implementation of practices that will facilitate both its economic and environmental goals. Finally, the study provides valuable insights to other communities working to facilitate similar eco-projects and influence public policy in response to global warming

A look at the impact the social media have had on social and political movements.