Granskning av makt och makthavare är ett av mediernas viktigaste uppdrag och i en jämställd politisk miljö bör uttalanden och ageranden bedömas utifrån lika villkor. Det för ingenting gott med sig om medierna gör en orättvis skillnad på kvinnor och män i deras rapportering om politiska skandaler. Det finns många påståenden om en genusdimension i mediernas rapportering, men relativt få vetenskapliga belägg för detta. Syftet med avhandlingen är att undersöka i vilken utsträckning det förekommer likheter och skillnader i hur nyhetsmedier rapporterar om kvinnor och män i svenska politiska skandaler samt bidra med en förståelse för förekomsten av dessa eventuella likheter och skillnader. I en kvantitativ innehållsanalys analyseras 4345 tidningsartiklar fördelade på 92 svenska skandaler med förtroendevalda politiker på den nationella och den europeiska nivån mellan åren 1997 och 2010. Utifrån teoretiska antaganden om mediernas dagordningsmakt, gestaltningsmakt och medielogik undersöks nyhetsmedierna Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Expressen och Svenska Dagbladet. Studiens resultat visar på flera stora könsskillnader som är till kvinnornas nackdel, men i datamaterialet framträder också många likheter. Som grupp betraktat missgynnas dock kvinnor i flera avseenden gentemot män vilket kan innebära att kvinnor kan få sämre möjligheter till att hantera och överleva politiska skandaler än män. En slutsats är att huvudpersonens kön är en viktig aspekt i strävan efter förståelse för hur politiska skandaler tar sin början, utvecklas och kommer till avslut.

The diploma thesis deals with media representation of Slovak political case "Gorilla" in Slovak and Czech print dailies. The thesis builds upon the theoretical principles of the relationship between politics and media in a given societal system, media framing of political news, and normative aspects of balance in the news. A definition of scandal follows as well as description of fundamental characteristics of promotion in the media of political scandals in particular. The thesis aims at application of this theoretical basis on the aforementioned case and its empirical verification. The empirical research includes source analysis and an evaluation of the source balance. A quantitative content analysis is used for these purposes. The results show an intense media coverage of the case and a major media focus on elite (political) resources as well as a frequent representation of particular political actors at the expense of others (related to the case). The results also demonstrate that media did not reflect the fact, that the authenticity of the Gorila document which was the origin of the case was not officially proven at the time.

Syftet med den här studien var att undersöka hur en diskursiv berättelse skrivs fram i Aftonbladets granskning av fackförbundet Kommunal i januari 2016. Artikelserien handlade om fackliga företrädares bristande samklang mellan ord och handling. Politiker i regeringsställning drogs in och det fanns gott om aktörer som offentligt uttryckte sin kritik. En dryg vecka efter att artikelserien startat annonserade förbundsordföranden sin avgång. Materialet utgjordes av Aftonbladets pappersutgåva under perioden 13 – 21 januari 2016. Undersökningen genomfördes med en kombination av kvantitativ och kvalitativ metod. Först gjordes en kvantitativ innehållsanalys för att skapa översikt över materialet. Därefter gjordes en kvalitativ text- respektive bildanalys för att komma åt den diskursiva berättelsen. För den kvalitativa textanalysen användes modeller och begrepp från medieretorik, diskursanalys och retorik. I den kvalitativa bildanalysen användes en modell byggd på semiotik. Undersökningen pekar mot en diskursiv berättelse som konstrueras av följande delar: Två övergripande teman, ett samspel mellan nyhets- och opinionstexter, en tydlig och närmast arketypisk rollfördelning, fakta som framhäver konflikter och kontraster samt dramatiska effekter i språk och bild. Nyhetsberättelsen om ”Kommunals förlorade heder” överensstämmer i hög grad med John B. Thompsons fem kännetecken för en politisk skandal. Aftonbladet presenterar en konflikt som utvecklas genom komplikationer och polariseringar mellan inblandade parter, vilka i enlighet med triangelhypotesen tvingas reagera offentligt på varandras agerande. / The aim of this study was to examine how a discursive narrative is performed in Aftonbladets investigations on the trade union Kommunal in January 2016. Trade union representative’s lack of consistency between word and action were depicted in a series of articles. Politicians representing the government were involved and there were plenty of actors voicing their criticism. About a week after the start of the series, the chairwoman of the union announced her resignation. The sample consisted of Aftonbladets printed edition between the 13th and the 21st of January 2016. The study was performed with a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. It began with a content analysis to get an overview of the material. After that, qualitative text respectively image analyses were carried out to get at the discursive narrative. For the qualitative text analysis methodology and concepts from media rhetoric, discourse analysis and classical rhetoric were used. The image analysis was carried out with a methodology based on semiotics. The study points towards a discursive narrative constructed of the following parts: Two general themes, interaction between news and commentary items, clear and almost archetypal roles, facts utilized to highlight conflicts and contrasts, and dramatic effects in language and images. The news narrative about ”The lost honor of Kommunal” conforms to a great degree to John B. Thompson’s five characteristics of a political scandal. Aftonbladet presents a conflict developed through complications and polarizations between the actors concerned who according to the triangle hypothesis are made to react publicly on each other.

En analysant les discours élaborés par les Lumières allemandes au sujet de La Mettrie entre 1739 et 1789, cette thèse vise à réévaluer la place du matérialisme au sein des échanges culturels franco-allemands de la période. La première partie précise les enjeux et les méthodes de l’étude : le scandale littéraire et philosophique doit être envisagé comme un révélateur des principes et des mécanismes de fonctionnement qui sous-tendent les productions de la République des Lettres. L’étude du scandale dans ce qu’il fait au texte est un prisme pertinent pour analyser le problème du matérialisme français, l’oeuvre de La Mettrie et le fonctionnement de l’espace qui la reçoit. La deuxième partie examine la réception initiale de la Mettrie en Allemagne entre 1739 et 1752. Elle mesure l’impact du scandale sur les textes, en montrant que l’oeuvre de La Mettrie est prise dans des débats qui rejaillissent de manière ambivalente sur son interprétation, allant jusqu’à entrainer de fausses lectures. La troisième partie s’intéresse à la réception ultérieure du médecin-philosophe français. Elle souligne la diversité des discours produits entre 1752 et 1789 : repoussoir, aiguillon, occasion de transfert oblique, voie de contestation et de redéfinition des Lumières, la référence à La Mettrie ne saurait être uniquement interprétée en termes d’influences ou d’absence d’influences. Ce parcours permet, in fine, de relire les débats entre philosophes et antiphilosophes français à l’aune de la réception allemande. Cette thèse souligne la richesse de la discussion menée entre France et Allemagne autour du matérialisme, reconsidère le rôle de La Mettrie et invite à redécouvrir une oeuvre méconnue. / In analyzing the discourses developed by the German Enlightenment on La Mettrie between 1739 and 1789, this thesis aims at re-evaluating the place of materialism in the Franco-German cultural exchanges of the period. The first part specifies the stakes and methods of the study: the literary and philosophical scandal must be considered as a revealing of the principles and operating mechanisms that underlie the productions of the Republic of Letters. The study of the scandal in what he does to the text is a pertinent prism to analyze the problem of French materialism, the work of La Mettrie and the functioning of the space that receives it. The second part examines the initial reception of the Mettrie in Germany between 1739 and 1752. It measures the impact of the scandal on the texts, showing that the work of La Mettrie is taken in debates that reflect in an ambivalent way on its interpretation, even leading to false readings. The third part is concerned with the later reception of the French physician-philosopher. It emphasizes the diversity of discourse produced between 1752 and 1789: a flicker, a sting, an oblique transfer opportunity, a way of contesting and redefining the Enlightenment, the reference to La Mettrie can not be solely interpreted in terms of influences or absence of influences. This course allows, in fine, to read differently the debates between French philosophers and antiphilosophers in the light of the German reception. This thesis underlines the richness of the discussion between France and Germany on materialism, reconsiders the role of La Mettrie and invites us to rediscover an unknown work.

Thesis advisor: Thomas F. Mulvoy / The Boston Globe has had an unfair reputation as an anti-Catholic newspaper since the 1970s, but the claim surfaced with new vigor in response to the newspaper's coverage of the sex abuse scandal in the Catholic Church in 2002. The accusations stems from three misconceptions: (1) that the Globe is a remnant of Protestant power in Boston; (2) that the Globe seeks to antagonize the Catholic Church with its liberal social positions; and (3) that the Globe intentionally sensationalized its coverage in 2002 and essentially mounted a media attack on a defenseless archdiocese. The idea that the Globe holds a longstanding gripe against the Catholic Church is completely false. Through a historical account of anti-Catholicism and journalism in Boston and an analysis of the Globe's 2002 coverage, this work shows that (1) the Globe was the first Boston paper to appeal to the interests of the Irish Catholic population and has maintained a consistent policy of fairness since the 1870s; (2) the Globe's liberal editorial stances are formed without consideration for Church positions; and (3) the coverage of the sex abuse scandal in 2002 was the product of fair and balanced reporting, with the antagonism originating from the archdiocese. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-09-28T17:30:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Veríssimo Fernandes.pdf: 1154709 bytes, checksum: 0d5f03aa73e06f7684b0a210916609e4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-28T17:30:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Veríssimo Fernandes.pdf: 1154709 bytes, checksum: 0d5f03aa73e06f7684b0a210916609e4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-23 / This study analyses the media coverage of the Operation Carwash by the weekly brazilian media, aiming to understand how the magazines Veja and CartaCapital articulate their speeches and thus they get approached to the political forces which are in dispute in Brazil, here represented by the political, social and economic Brazilian dilemmas: a clash between an inclusive government and the other one that guarantees the historical inertia of the social apartheid. For this purpose, the study analyzed the articles which had the Operation Carwash on their weekly cover page, starting with the first issue on the subject, in 2014, to the last one in 2015. In total, 46 articles were analyzed, in which we divided in two interpretive packages: "the PT (Worker’s Party) is a corrupt party that has subdivided the Petrobras" and "the Operation has abuses." Based in the concept of political parallelism - the relationship kept between the media and the political parties or organizations, reflecting thereby the disputed speeches in the society - we show how each media articulates its speeches from specific nodal points, which totals and fixes, even momentarily, particular understandings of the reality, defining what is "inside" and what is "outside" of each discursive seam. In this sense, while Veja establishes itself in the field against the current federal government, the progressive movements and the inclusive public policies, culminating in the criminalization of PT as solely responsible for state corruption, excluding, for example, the "pemedebismo" (related to the PMDB party), CartaCapital articulates its discourse focusing on the corruption systemic, without being personalistic / Esta pesquisa examina a cobertura da Operação Lava-Jato na mídia semanal, com o objetivo de entender como as revistas Veja e CartaCapital articulam seus discursos e assim se aproximam das forças políticas em disputa no Brasil, aqui representadas pelo dilema político, social e econômico brasileiro: o embate entre um Estado inclusivo ou um Estado que garanta a inércia histórica do apartheid social. Para tal, a pesquisa analisou as matérias que trouxeram a Operação Lava-Jato na capa das semanais, a começar com a primeira edição sobre o assunto, ainda em 2014, até a última capa de 2015. Ao todo, foram 46 matérias analisadas que dividimos em dois pacotes interpretativos: “O PT é um partido corrupto que loteou a Petrobras” e “A Operação tem abusos”. A partir do conceito de paralelismo político – a relação mantida entre os meios de comunicação e partidos ou organizações políticas, refletindo, desse modo, os discursos em disputa na sociedade –, mostramos como cada publicação articula seus discursos a partir de pontos nodais específicos, que totalizam e fixam, ainda que momentaneamente, entendimentos particulares da realidade, definindo o que está “dentro” e o que está “fora” de cada costura discursiva. Nesse sentido, enquanto Veja se firma no campo contrário ao governo federal, aos movimentos progressistas e às políticas públicas inclusivas, culminando na criminalização do PT como único responsável pela corrupção estatal, excluindo, por exemplo, o pemedebismo, CartaCapital articula o discurso de uma corrupção sistêmica e não personalista

In the early 1930’s the film business was booming and filled with sex, drugs, and scandal. All of that changed in 1934 with the enforcement of the Hollywood Production Code which effectively cleaned up the business into what most people today remember as classic Hollywood. By analyzing films from the Pre-Code era, and specifically Baby Face (1933), the roots of self-censorship in Hollywood can be traced to their current incarnation in the film business today.

Le scandale et l’indignation constituent deux notions thématique et rhétorique centrales de la prédication religieuse classique que ce travail se propose d’étudier à partir des sermons des trois plus grands prédicateurs du règne de Louis XIV : Bossuet, Bourdaloue et Massillon. La première partie présente les fondements théologiques du scandale avant de suivre l’évolution de cette notion qui intéresse rapidement le droit canon et la morale. La seconde partie de ce travail étudie précisément la notion de scandale dans les sermons des prédicateurs classiques. Elle met en lumière la transposition morale et la généralisation de la notion de scandale à l’âge classique sous la forme du scandale de mœurs. L’analyse des sermons classiques s’attache à dévoiler le fonctionnement de l’argument du scandale et de la passion rhétorique associée, l’indignation. La troisième partie envisage l’efficacité de la parole sermonnaire comme arme pour lutter contre l’omniprésence des scandales parmi les hommes. Elle s’intéresse notamment à l’ambivalence de la parole des prédicateurs et à ses enjeux politiques. / Scandal and indignation constitute two central thematic and rhetorical notions of classical religious preaching which this work proposes to study from the sermons of the three greatest preachers of the reign of Louis XIV: Bossuet, Bourdaloue and Massillon. The first part presents the theological foundations of the scandal before following the evolution of this notion which interests canon law and morals. The second part of this work studies precisely the notion of scandal in the sermons of the classical preachers. It highlights the moral transposition and the generalization of the notion of scandal in the classical age in the form of scandal of morals. The analysis of classical sermons seeks to unfold the functioning of the argument of scandal and the associated rhetorical passion, indignation.

<p>The subject for this paper is the Class Action against Skandia Association, a civil organization formed in 2003 with the aim of claiming compensation for some 1.2 million life insurance customers. The background to its formation was one of the largest financial scandals in Sweden in recent times, involving a number of questionable affairs within the insurance corporation Skandia and its subsidiaries, most notably the life insurance company Skandia Liv. The interests of both the stake- and stockholders of the company seem, in certain ways, to have been grossly misrepresented. The scandal, as well as the reaction it spawned, pose a number of questions. In this study, we focus on two: a possible, and in many ways apparent crisis in the representation of interests in Swedish society, and the role of civil society in upholding the balance between these interests.</p><p>We argue that what is often held to be the ”greed” or ”immorality” of individuals in scandals such as Skandia is, to a great extent, a mere reflection of the ”rational” underpinnings of modern-day capitalism.</p><p>We find that trust has been a key mechanism of control in the relationships between consumers and agents in pension and life insurance markets, and that ”the Swedish model” that distinguished post-WWII Swedish society was a model heavily based on trust towards existing models of bureaucratic governance. Furthermore, the increase in social and technical complexity of the systems and relationships necessary of our individual and collective welfare, as well as the growing anonymity of the people we depend on, seem to have resulted in a gap that cannot be bridged without resorting to trust.</p><p>We also find that elements of the Skandia scandal mirror a larger societal development in which the balance between interests has been disrupted, causing severe breaches of trust. Over time, and as a result of a largely global interplay between power and discourse, the Swedish model has undergone a considerable transition, gradually transforming elements of the underlying institutional foundations of both the market and the state.</p><p>Such transitions, and the herein observed inability of both market and state to cope with them while maintaining the balance between interests of society as a whole, make us believe that the importance of a vital civil society cannot be understated. The Class Action against Skandia Association is a testament to its potential.</p>

The subject for this paper is the Class Action against Skandia Association, a civil organization formed in 2003 with the aim of claiming compensation for some 1.2 million life insurance customers. The background to its formation was one of the largest financial scandals in Sweden in recent times, involving a number of questionable affairs within the insurance corporation Skandia and its subsidiaries, most notably the life insurance company Skandia Liv. The interests of both the stake- and stockholders of the company seem, in certain ways, to have been grossly misrepresented. The scandal, as well as the reaction it spawned, pose a number of questions. In this study, we focus on two: a possible, and in many ways apparent crisis in the representation of interests in Swedish society, and the role of civil society in upholding the balance between these interests. We argue that what is often held to be the ”greed” or ”immorality” of individuals in scandals such as Skandia is, to a great extent, a mere reflection of the ”rational” underpinnings of modern-day capitalism. We find that trust has been a key mechanism of control in the relationships between consumers and agents in pension and life insurance markets, and that ”the Swedish model” that distinguished post-WWII Swedish society was a model heavily based on trust towards existing models of bureaucratic governance. Furthermore, the increase in social and technical complexity of the systems and relationships necessary of our individual and collective welfare, as well as the growing anonymity of the people we depend on, seem to have resulted in a gap that cannot be bridged without resorting to trust. We also find that elements of the Skandia scandal mirror a larger societal development in which the balance between interests has been disrupted, causing severe breaches of trust. Over time, and as a result of a largely global interplay between power and discourse, the Swedish model has undergone a considerable transition, gradually transforming elements of the underlying institutional foundations of both the market and the state. Such transitions, and the herein observed inability of both market and state to cope with them while maintaining the balance between interests of society as a whole, make us believe that the importance of a vital civil society cannot be understated. The Class Action against Skandia Association is a testament to its potential.