Le champ littéraire belge francophone du second après-guerre n'a jamais fait l'objet d'une étude approfondie et exhaustive. Après avoir rappelé les conditions littéraires et culturelles de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, nous étudions l'épuration du champ littéraire, à savoir la réorganisation de celui-ci, par des instances qui lui sont extérieures. Nous analysons ensuite les rapports entre les écrivains et les institutions publiques et littéraires, avant de nous atteler à la description du champ littéraire de l'après-guerre. Nous tentons d'y décrire la position et les prises de positions des différents agents en présence. Se déploie alors en filigrane l'image d'une institution littéraire faible, incapable de faire émerger un nombre conséquent des auteurs de l'époque. / Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation langue et littérature / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Le fait que dès ses années d'exil scandinave, entre 1933 et 1947, le jeune Willy Brandt se lance dans le débat sur l'avenir d'une Europe unifiée et en propose des conditions concrètes de réalisation est encore très largement méconnu. Pourtant, la question de l'Europe jalonne les écrits d'exil du jeune socialiste réfugié en Norvège. Cette thèse de doctorat met en lumière ces primes idées européennes, le « rêve des Etats-Unis d’Europe », que Willy Brandt développe en exil. Elle interroge non seulement le rôle de l’exil scandinave dans l’émergence d’une pensée fédérale européenne chez Brandt, mais également la teneur de son projet et son éventuelle originalité. Cette étude repose sur un corpus de textes écrits de la main de Willy Brandt en Scandinavie entre 1933 et 1947. Dans ses ouvrages consacrés à la politique internationale, dans ses articles rédigés pour la presse ouvrière mais aussi, parfois, dans sa correspondance personnelle, l’objectif est d’identifier, dans une perspective d’analyse du discours, le motif de l’Europe unie et de l’analyser en contexte afin de le comprendre et de discerner ses potentielles évolutions. Cette étude se base sur des sources originales et pour partie non exploitées, ce qui a nécessité un travail conséquent de recherches en archives mais aussi, dans la mesure où Brandt publie à cette époque en norvégien et en suédois, l’apprentissage des langues scandinaves. Cette thèse de doctorat montre que par son influence contextuelle et culturelle, l’exil scandinave a marqué la pensée européenne de Brandt et que son modèle d’Europe sociale et démocratique porte indéniablement l’empreinte du socialisme scandinave. / The fact that during his Scandinavian exile between 1933 and 1947, the young Willy Brandt has been engaged in the debate about the future Europe and even proposed concrete conditions for its realization is still largely unknown. Still, the question of Europe marked out his exile writings and was as such the focus of particular attention from the young socialist refugee in Norway as early as 1939. This doctoral thesis aims to highlight these early European ideas, the “dream of the United States of Europe”, that Willy Brandt developed during his exile. It shall question not only the role of his Scandinavian exile on the emergence of a European federal thought in Brandt’s exile writings, but also the content of his project, its particularities and furthermore its possible originality. At a time when resistance groups were massively discussing the idea of the European unification, what may characterize Brandt's proposal for Europe? And how did these first European ideas evolve during the Second World War as the contexts of conception and communication also changed. To answer these questions, this PhD thesis is based on the analysis of texts written by Willy Brandt in Scandinavia between 1933 and 1947. The corpus consists of three types of documents: books or monographs about the war and the global international context, journalistic writings (newspaper articles, brochures, pamphlets, conference manuscripts all signed by Brandt between 1933 and 1947) and personal correspondence. The objective has been to identify in all these exile writings the motive of Europe as well as any other element relating to the theme of a united Europe or likely to be part of a more general reflection on international politics and the new post-war European order. This thesis has the particularity of being based essentially on original documents and hitherto largely unexploited sources, which has required a considerable amount of archival research. Moreover, since the sources used in this PhD thesis were written in Norwegian, Swedish and German, learning two Scandinavian languages, namely Norwegian and Swedish, was necessary. This study shows that through its contextual and cultural influence, the Scandinavian exile marked the emergence and evolution of Brandt’s European ideas between 1933 and 1947. The model of a social and democratic Europe the young Brandt dreamed of and developed during the Second World War undeniably bears the imprint of Scandinavia, and in particular Scandinavian socialism. By doing so, the thesis sheds new light on Willy Brandt’s political foothold and shows the importance of his exile years in the formation of a statesman and his foreign and European policy. / Die Tatsache, dass Willy Brandt während seines Exils in Skandinavien zurinternationalen Diskussion über die Zukunft eines vereinten Europas beigetragen, und sogarkonkrete Bedingungen für eine künftige Einigung des Kontinents vorgeschlagen hat, ist nochkaum beachtet worden. In seinen Exilschriften tauchte das Thema „Europa“ allerdings immerwieder auf. Vor allem ab 1939 schenkte der junge Flüchtling dem Projekt einer künftigeneuropäischen Einigung besondere Aufmerksamkeit. Zum ersten Mal wird in der vorliegendenForschungsarbeit ein eingehender Überblick über Willy Brandts Europavorstellungen im Exil,deren Ursprung und deren Entwicklung, angeboten, und zwar im Rückgriff auf ursprüngliche,zum Teil bisher unbenutzte Quellen aus deutschem und skandinavischem Archivmaterial.Die Dissertation setzt sich zum Ziel, die Entstehung und die Entwicklung von WillyBrandts frühen Europavorstellungen im besonderen Kontext des skandinavischen Exilszwischen 1933 und 1947 zu analysieren, und fragt folgendes: Inwiefern hat das Exil inSkandinavien die Entstehung und die Ausformung von Brandts außenpolitischenKonzeptionen dauerhaft geprägt? Willy Brandts journalistische und literarische Schriften aus der Exilzeit zwischen 1933und 1947, die ein umfangsreiches Archiv aus Zeitungs-, bzw. Zeitschriftenartikeln, Büchern,Broschüren und gemeinsamen Veröffentlichungen bilden, liegen der vorliegendenForschungsarbeit zugrunde. Ziel ist es gewesen, in diesen Exilschriften das Motiv „Europa“sowie jedes andere Element zu identifizieren und zu erörtern, das sich auf das Thema einesvereinten Europas beziehen oder Teil einer allgemeineren Reflexion über die internationalePolitik und die neue europäische Nachkriegsordnung sein dürfte.Die Besonderheit dieses Forschungskorpus besteht in seiner Mehrsprachigkeit. Die imRahmen des vorliegenden Forschungsprojekts benutzten Texte und Manuskripte wurdennämlich auf Deutsch aber auch auf Norwegisch und auf Schwedisch verfasst. Wichtig war esin dieser Hinsicht, die Originalfassungen heranzuziehen, und damit der gesamtenForschungsarbeit nicht nur Authentizität sondern auch Originalität zu verleihen. In diesemZusammenhang gehörte das Erlernen von zwei skandinavischen Sprachen, nämlichNorwegisch und Schwedisch, natürlich auch zu den Grundlagen des Projekts.Diese Studie hat gezeigt, dass das skandinavische Exil die Entstehung und dieAusformung von Brandts frühen Europavorstellungen zwischen 1933 und 1947 kontextuellund inhaltlich geprägt hat. Im Modell des sozialistischen und demokratischen Europa, wovoner im Exil träumte und das er im Laufe des Zweiten Weltkrieges weiter entwickelte, lassensich nämlich etliche programmatische, kulturelle und politische Einflüsse der skandinavischen– und insbesondere der norwegischen – Sozialdemokratie erkennen. Dabei hat die vorliegendeDissertation die Bedeutung des skandinavischen Exils für die menschliche und politischeEntwicklung des Willy Brandt sowie für die Entstehung eigener außenpolitischer, ja sogareuropäischer Konzepte beim späteren Staatsmann nachvollziehen können.

Die Böhme Fettchemie ging aus der 1881 von Hermann Theodor Böhme errichteten „Drogen-, Farben- und chemische Produktehandlung“ hervor. Am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts als kleine Verkaufshandlung gegründet, etablierte es sich innerhalb von 50 Jahren zu einem weltbekannten Unternehmen zunächst im Bereich der Textilhilfsmittel. Doch auch im Bereich der Haushaltswaschmittel erreichte es in den 1930er Jahren ebenfalls einen großen Bekanntheitsgrad. Mit der Werbefigur Johanna, die das weltweit erste synthetische Waschmittel „Fewa“ anpries, war es der Firma gelungen, ein breites Publikum auf sich aufmerksam zu machen. Neben der Unternehmensgeschichte – von der Gründung bis in die Mitte der 1940er Jahre – gibt die Autorin Ivonne Reichmann mit dem vorliegenden Werk Auskunft über soziale und wirtschaftliche Aspekte der Böhme Fettchemie. Die einzelnen, chronologisch gegliederten Kapitel erschließen die bauliche Erweiterung, die Mitarbeiterstruktur, den Ausbau der Produktpalette sowie die weltweite Ausdehnung des Unternehmens. Deren Werbemaßnahmen spielen dabei ebenso eine Rolle wie die Übernahme durch den Henkel-Konzern in den 1930er Jahren. Mit dieser Studie wird eine Forschungslücke zum bisher wenig betrachteten Bereich der chemischen Industrie im südwestsächsischen Raum geschlossen.:1. Fragestellung und Methode 2. Voraussetzungen und Anfänge der Unternehmensgründung 3. Unternehmensentwicklung bis zum Ende der 1920er Jahre 4. Die turbulenten 1930er Jahre 5. Das Unternehmen während des Zweiten Weltkriegs 6. Nachkriegsjahre / Böhme Fettchemie emerged from a 'drugs, dyes and chemical products shop' established by Hermann Theodor Böhme in 1881. Founded at the end of the 19th century as a small sales business, it established itself within 50 years as a world-famous company, initially in the field of textile auxiliaries. But also in the field of household laundry detergents it achieved a high degree of recognition in the 1930s. With the advertising figure Johanna, who praised the world's first synthetic detergent 'Fewa', the company succeeded in attracting the attention of a wide audience. In addition to the company's history – from its foundation to the mid-1940s – the author Ivonne Reichmann provides information about the social and economic aspects of Böhme Fettchemie with this work. The individual, chronologically structured chapters reveal the structural expansion, the employee structure, the expansion of the product range as well as the worldwide expansion of the company. Their advertising measures play just as much a role as the takeover by the Henkel Group in the 1930s. This study closes a research gap to the hitherto little considered area of the chemical industry in southwest Saxony.:1. Fragestellung und Methode 2. Voraussetzungen und Anfänge der Unternehmensgründung 3. Unternehmensentwicklung bis zum Ende der 1920er Jahre 4. Die turbulenten 1930er Jahre 5. Das Unternehmen während des Zweiten Weltkriegs 6. Nachkriegsjahre

The work studies a very specific period of the Czech-Cuban relations: the period of World War II and the Czechoslovakian refugees in Havana. For its creation, materials from two archives were used: the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic, the so-called "London Archive" which keeps the documentation of the Czechoslovak government in exile, and the National Archive of Cuba. In the first half of the 20th century, Cuba was not for the Czech society a distant country on the other side of the world. It was its partner and competitor on the world sugar market, and the echoes of Cuban independence were still fresh in its memory. The young Czechoslovak republic was looking for markets for its industrial and consumer products, while Cuban exports generally did not exceed a few dozen tons of unroasted coffee. In the inter-war period, some 20 Czechs and Slovaks were living in Cuba. The Munich Treaty, the occupation and then the application of the Nuremberg Laws created an atmosphere of suffocation and drastically reduced the living space for the Jewish population in the occupied territory of Czechoslovakia. Many decided to leave their homeland, but the world around them was unwilling to receive larger numbers of Jewish refugees. The original idea of getting to a safe place beyond...

Diploma thesis "Media and their management in the region of Pilsen 1945 - 1955" deals with media management in the Pilsen region within historical context of the first decade after the Second World War. It starts with restitution of press in May 1945 and foundation of the radio station in Pilsen. It observes restitution of the journalist organization in Pilsen, including post-war purge of journalists. Further, it describes growing influence of the communist party on media management in the Pilsen region until February 1948 when the communist party definitively gained political power in Czechoslovakia. After the so-called Victorious February, the thesis deals with another wave of purge among journalists in the Pilsen organization and abortion of non-communist press. It introduces the process of nationalization of the printing industry and new goals for journalists and media defined by the communist party. Finally, it describes the first half of the 1950s when other press restrictions and reorganizations of the printing industry in the Pilsen region took place. It presents foundation of a censorship office, the Main Board for Publishing Control (HSTD), within the management of press and radio in the Pilsen region. The thesis is a historical study which tries to approach a less documented period of...

Dès la signature de l’armistice, près de 70% des officiers généraux de marine de première section se retrouvent non seulement à des postes emblématiques de l’Etat français, mais aussi à des postes plus secondaires. Quelque soit la nature des ces fonctions, elles leur permettent, dans la plupart des cas, de se faire les hérauts de l’Etat français. Entrés en politique dès juin 1940 au gré des événements militaires, ces hommes présentent une cohérence sociale et professionnelle forte qui, à elle seule, ne suffit pourtant pas à expliciter ce ralliement massif au maréchal Pétain. Leur culture professionnelle et politique reste un élément majeur pour rendre compte de la rencontre idéologique entre ce corps et la Révolution nationale. Persuadés de la supériorité de leur modèle moral et culturel, ils voient dans ce régime, né des décombres de la Troisième République, l’opportunité de faire triompher leurs valeurs. L’obéissance militaire n’apparaît alors que comme un facteur certes réel mais secondaire pour expliciter ce ralliement. Chez l’amiral Darlan, en revanche, il semble bien que l’accession au pouvoir résulte d’un processus pensé et mûri dès mai 1940 et qui se poursuit pendant les six premiers mois de régime. Favorables à une gestion autoritaire du pouvoir, les amiraux portent les mesures d’exclusion et de retour à la tradition en fonction de leurs propres valeurs et des fonctions qu’ils exercent. Leurs pratiques politiques, directement héritées des méthodologies en vigueur dans la Marine, leurs entourages immédiats issus eux aussi de la Royale, contribuent avec la nature des actions qu’ils mettent en place, à alimenter leur réputation de mauvais politiques. L’épuration judiciaire et professionnelle sanctionne quelques uns d’entre eux, mais les procédures, prises sur la durée, d’amnistie et d’annulation par le conseil d’Etat des sanctions administratives permettent de tempérer les déclarations d’épuration rigoureuse. Un dictionnaire complète cette approche collective : il permet ainsi de suivre les itinéraires professionnels de chacun des quarante-neuf officiers généraux de marine étudiés, de rendre compte de leur rôle entre 1940 et 1944 et d’évoquer leur situation dans l’après guerre. / As soon as the Armistice was signed, nearly 70% of general officers in the Navy found themselves not only in emblematic positions of the French State but also in secondary ones. Whatever the nature of these positions, they enabled them, in most cases, to be the messengers of the French State. Joining politics as early as June 1940, according to how military events happened, these men have a strong social and professional coherence which cannot explain, by itself, this huge rallying to marechal Petain. Their professional and political culture remains a key element in explaining the ideological meeting of this branch with the national Revolution. Convinced of the superiority of their moral and cultural model, they consider this regime, born on the ashes of the third Republic, as an opportunity to make their values prevail. Military obedience then appears as a real, although secondary factor to explain their rallying.As far as Admiral Darlan is concerned, though, this access to power, on the contrary, appears as deeply and carefully thought as soon as 1940 and goes on for the first six months of the regime. These admirals, who believe in an authoritarian management of power, hold the measures of exclusion and of return to the Tradition depending on their own values and on the positions they hold. Their political observance, directly inherited from the methods used in the Navy, as well as their immediate circles, also connected with the « Royale », contributes to their bad reputation as politicians too, because of the nature of their actions. Judicial and professional purge sometimes condemns some of them but the procedures of amnesty and invalidation taken by the Council of State concerning administrative sanctions permit to temper the declarations of strict purge. A dictionary completes this collective approach : it enables one to follow the professional route of each of these 49 general officers, to explain their role between 1940 and 1944 as well as to evoke their position after the war.

The United States engagement in Vietnam began during the Second World War. With military bases established in China, the U.S. took part in fighting the Japanese troops in the Pacific theatre. When France surrendered to Nazi Germany in 1940, Japan would take over the French Indochina and the war would spread to Vietnam as well. In order to collect intelligence on Japanese targets, the Americans needed to operate secret services on the ground. After the Japanese coup de main in 1945, they would eventually partner with Ho Chi Minh and his organization Viet Minh. The Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the wartime predecessor of the CIA, provided intelligence training and equipment, while the Viet Minh would assist with valuable information on Japanese troops. To some extent, the OSS helped Ho Chi Minh and Viet Minh accede to power in Vietnam after the war.

This thesis examines the legal case of Inouye Kanao, a second-generation Japanese Canadian who was executed for high treason in August 1947 in Hong Kong. In this thesis, I trace not only Inouye's legal case, but also his early life, the broader political context, diplomatic correspondence, and other war crimes cases. By employing race-thinking and Critical Race Theory as theoretical frameworks, I consider the role of race and racism and aim to better understand its influence on Inouye's legal case. In doing so, this thesis challenges previous narratives and misinformation about Inouye. I conclude that racism was a significant factor that affected all aspects of Inouye's case, resulting in an unjust execution that did not reflect the crimes. Ultimately, Inouye was executed not because of his actions but because he was racialized as a treacherous and cruel Japanese Canadian. / Graduate

Ce mémoire consiste à étudier l’apport de la culture jeunesse dans l’acceptation des valeurs nationales-socialistes par les jeunes Allemand(e)s, via la problématique suivante: Comment la culture jeunesse a-t-elle agi à titre de véhicule de propagande sous le Troisième Reich et quels en ont été les répercussions sur la jeunesse allemande? En abordant cette éducation informelle diffusée par la culture jeunesse, c’est-à-dire par la littérature jeunesse, puis par les jouets et les jeux de société, cette recherche offre une définition renouvelée des mécanismes de propagande déployés par le régime nazi et propose une conception nouvelle du phénomène d’endoctrinement de la jeunesse durant cette période. En diffusant des idées comme la quête de la race pure, la conquête, l’antisémitisme à travers une expérience émotionnelle immersive (par l’exercice du jeu et de la lecture), la culture jeunesse est parvenue à susciter l’enthousiasme des jeunes Allemand(e)s à l’idée d’incarner les acteurs d’un monde régi par le nazisme. De plus, nous constaterons que le caractère divertissant de cette propagande culturelle a fait de la violence et de l’exclusion, intrinsèques à la vision nationale-socialiste du monde, des euphémismes, par sa capacité à banaliser la gravité de ces derniers. Ce phénomène nous permet de saisir pourquoi les Allemand(e)s persistaient, même après la guerre, à concevoir leur enfance sous le régime nazi comme une expérience relativement positive. L’aspect culturel de l’endoctrinement de la jeunesse allemande constitue une dynamique encore peu connue de l’histoire allemande que nous proposons d’explorer à travers ce mémoire. / This thesis studies how culture propagated by the Nazi regime during the Second World War influenced young Germans and contributed to their acceptance of National Socialist values. It asks: How did youth culture act as a vehicle of propaganda under the Third Reich and what impact did it have on German youth? By focusing on the hitherto under researched areas of children’s literature, toys and games, my research helps us to better understand the nature of Nazi propaganda, in particular the importance of informal education. Through play and reading young Germans were indoctrinated in Nazi ideology about the quest for a so-called pure race, conquest and expansion in East and West Europe, and anti-Semitism. These cultural activities led to an immersive emotional experience for young Germans which aroused their enthusiasm for contributing to and benefiting from a world ruled by Nazism. The entertaining nature of this cultural propaganda turned the violence and exclusion intrinsic to the National Socialist vision of the world into euphemisms, by trivializing their seriousness. This phenomenon helps us to understand why, even after the war, Germans persisted in seeing their youth under the Nazi regime as a relatively positive experience. The cultural aspect of the indoctrination of German youth is an underexplored dynamic of German history that I explore in this thesis.

Starting in August 1942 the United States and United Kingdom started waging a strategic bombing offensive against Germany. Throughout the course of the 1942 and 1943 campaigns, American and British air forces struggled to gain the upper hand in the European air war. By November 1943 American and British defeats at the hands of the German Air Force, or Luftwaffe, had placed the air war in doubt. By February 1944, the air war had turned around in favor of the Allies. This dramatic turn of events has been explained by historians in a number of ways. The most popular narrative is that the introduction of the long range escort fighter, the P-51 "Mustang," turned the tide in the air war. Another narrative is that there was a change in the fighter tactics. Starting in January 1944, American fighters stopped defending the bombers and started aggressively pursuing German fighters. Yet, these analyses do not include a major command changes that took place from November to January 1944. After his appointment to command of Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force, General Dwight D. Eisenhower used his position centralize all of the major air commands in Europe under his control. By unifying the air commands, the Allies were able to better coordinate and concentrate their air against Germany. In February 1944 the Allies focused their air forces against the Luftwaffe ultimately wearing down German fighter strength. After finally removing a major obstacle impending the strategic air war against Germany, the Allies concentrated their air forces against transportation and oil targets. The destruction of these two major economic systems crippled Germany's ability to fight the Allies in 1944 and 1945. By changing the command structure, Eisenhower was able to use his air forces in successful coordinated strategic air offensives that the Allies had previously been incapable of accomplishing.