<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>Thou, Thee, Thy, Thine, Ye, You, Your, Yours: Second Person Pronouns in Two Bible Translations</p><p>In the King James Version from 1611 there are eight different forms of personal pronouns for second person: the singular forms thou, thee, thy, thine and the corresponding plural forms ye, you, your and yours. Because of linguistic changes in the English language the number of the second person pronouns has declined during the centuries. Accordingly, in the New King James Version from 1990 these eight earlier pronouns are represented by only three pronouns: you, your, yours. Therefore, the hypothesis of this study was that the disappearance of so many different pronoun forms might have caused some ambiguity. To examine this, The Gospel of Luke of both Bible versions was studied and all the second person pronouns were first classified according to their case and number (nominative/accusative/dative/genitive, singular/plural) and thereafter counted. The verses of the Gospel of Luke, where both one or several persons are addressed, were read and carefully studied. Furthermore, when necessary, interesting or relevant, comparisons were also made to two other translations: Gustav V´s Bible from 1917 and the Swedish Bible Version from 2000. The results of this study show that there are differences in the numbers of the examined pronouns. These discrepancies depend on several different factors which have been discussed. In addition, the investigation gives evidence of the fact that the references of pronouns are not always completely clear: several verses, which might be perceived erroneously, were found in the modern English Bible translation.</p>

193f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-05-13T18:50:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Gilce Almeida.pdf: 991405 bytes, checksum: f94877bc021f04ca3fdeeb860dd5c7be (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Alda Lima da Silva(sivalda@ufba.br) on 2013-05-16T17:42:57Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Gilce Almeida.pdf: 991405 bytes, checksum: f94877bc021f04ca3fdeeb860dd5c7be (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-16T17:42:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Gilce Almeida.pdf: 991405 bytes, checksum: f94877bc021f04ca3fdeeb860dd5c7be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Em Salvador, alternam-se, pelo menos, quatro formas para representar o objeto direto de segunda pessoa: i) o uso de te; ii) o uso de lhe; iii) o uso de você e iv) a estratégia com o objeto nulo. Neste trabalho, com base no aporte teórico-metodológico da Sociolinguística Variacionista, investigam-se os fatores linguísticos, pragmático-discursivos e sociais que presidem a escolha do falante por uma das formas disponíveis. Para tanto, tomaram-se como corpus amostras de falas de 36 pessoas, distribuídas pelos dois sexos, em três faixas etárias: faixa 1 (25 a 35 anos), faixa 2 (45 a 55 anos), faixa 3 (65 a 75 anos), considerando-se os níveis de escolaridade: ensino fundamental e ensino superior. Os dados analisados apontaram para um uso bastante equilibrado das variantes te e lhe no tratamento do interlocutor, evidenciando que, na capital baiana, o clítico lhe, contrário ao que prescreve a tradição gramatical, alterna-se entre o dativo e o acusativo. Dentre os resultados obtidos na análise quantitativa, realizada com o suporte do pacote de programas estatísticos VARBRUL, a faixa etária mostrou-se um fator importante para explicar a variação te e lhe, apontando para o fato de que há em Salvador uma mudança em curso em direção à forma te. Na análise da variável sexo, pôde-se verificar que a mudança em questão é liderada pelas mulheres. A análise dos dados também revelou que, em contextos de maior monitoramento da fala, a preferência do falante é pela forma lhe, enquanto o clítico te, que traduz mais informalidade, é preferido em contextos menos monitorados. A variável escolaridade não se mostrou relevante para nenhuma das variantes, evidenciando que não há, na comunidade de fala, estigmatização das formas. / Salvador

nÃo hà / Esta Tese apresenta um estudo sobre a alternÃncia das formas pronominais de referÃncia à segunda pessoa, Tu/VocÃ/o(a) Senhor(a), na funÃÃo de sujeito, no portuguÃs falado na zona urbana do municÃpio de CametÃ, Nordeste do estado do ParÃ. Adota, como quadro teÃrico, a interface entre dois postulados teÃricos: a Teoria da VariaÃÃo e MudanÃa LinguÃstica e o Funcionalismo linguÃstico, gerando dessa forma uma abordagem caracterizada no Ãmbito dos estudos linguÃsticos de sociofuncionalista. Nossa pesquisa objetiva analisar o papel de fatores linguÃsticos (referÃncia do pronome, estrutura do verbo, paralelismo estrutural, tipo de relato/discurso, tipo de frase, tempo discursivo do verbo e tempo gramatical do verbo) e de fatores extralinguÃsticos ou sociais (sexo/gÃnero, faixa etÃria, nÃvel de escolaridade e relaÃÃo social entre os interlocutores) como motivadores do comportamento variÃvel de tu/vocÃ/o(a) senhor(a) em funÃÃo de sujeito. O corpus contÃm dados de interaÃÃes face a face de 16 grupos focais, cada qual constituÃdo por 04 (quatro) sujeitos participantes, sendo um o informante-base, todos cametaenses, estratificados de acordo com a faixa etÃria (21 a 29 anos e 32 a 42 anos), o sexo/gÃnero (masculino e feminino) e o nÃvel de escolaridade (mÃdio e superior), totalizando 64 participantes. Na fala dos 16 informantes-base, obtivemos 527 dados de uso de Tu, Vocà e o(a) Senhor(a), os quais foram analisados quantitativamente (mediante uso do pacote estatÃstico GOLDVARB) e qualitativamente, seguindo os pressupostos teÃricos da sociolinguÃstica laboviana e do funcionalismo norte-americano. Os resultados apontaram 307 ocorrÃncias da forma pronominal tu, 182 de vocà e apenas 38 da forma o(a) senhor(a), o que corresponde, respectivamente, a 58.3%, 34.5% e 7.2%. Observamos que a forma tu à favorecida quando se encontra em paralelismo sintÃtico tu-tu, pela frase exclamativa, pela referÃncia indireta/direta a um indivÃduo, pelos homens, falantes do ensino mÃdio e nas interaÃÃes socialmente simÃtricas; a forma vocà à tambÃm motivada pelo princÃpio do paralelismo sintÃtico, vocÃ-vocÃ, ocorre com maior frequÃncia em referÃncia indireta a um interlocutor ou grupo de denotaÃÃo genÃrica e na fala prÃpria/discurso direto; em relaÃÃo à forma o(a) senhor(a), observamos que à condicionada pelo tipo de frase interrogativa, referÃncia direta/especÃfica a um indivÃduo, fala reportada (do prÃprio falante e/ou terceira pessoa), preferida pelos mais jovens e pelas mulheres. No Ãmbito do Sociofuncionalismo, ao avaliarmos a correlaÃÃo entre variÃvel dependente e variÃveis independentes pelo princÃpio da marcaÃÃo, verificamos que a forma tu à menos marcada na linguagem cametaense, considerando-se a distribuiÃÃo de frequÃncia e a complexidade estrutural. Portanto, ocorre preferencialmente em ambientes menos marcados, atestando o princÃpio da marcaÃÃo (GIVÃN, 1995), como em: contextos de estruturas paralelas tu-tu e tipo de referÃncia especÃfica direta e indireta a um interlocutor. A forma vocÃ, de menor frequÃncia e maior complexidade estrutural e cognitiva, por isso mais marcada, encontra predileÃÃo, nos contextos mais marcados, como: referÃncia genÃrica e frase do tipo declarativa negativa. Da mesma forma o(a) senhor(a), pronome marcado na lÃngua, ocorre em contextos mais marcados tambÃm, de maior complexidade estrutural e cognitiva, como frases interrogativas e negativas. / This thesis presents a study of the alternation of pronominal forms of reference to the second person, Tu/VocÃ/o(a) Senhor(a), in the subject function, in the Portuguese spoken in the urban area of CametÃ, Northeast of the State of ParÃ. It adopts, as a theoretical framework, the interface between two postulates: Linguistic Variation and Change Theory and Linguistic Functionalism, generating a featured approach within the language studies of social functionalist. Our research intends to analyze the role of linguistic factors (pronoun reference, verbal structure, structural parallelism, type of report/speech, type of sentence, discursive tense and grammatical tense) and of extralinguistic or social factors (sex/gender, age, level of education and social relationship between the interlocutors) as motivators of the variable behavior of tu/vocÃ/o(a) senhor(a) in the subject function. The corpus contains data of face to face interaction of 16 focus groups, each one constituted by 04 (four) participant individuals, with one being the basis informant, all born in CametÃ, stratified by age (21-29 years old and 32-42 years old), gender (male and female) and level of education (high school and higher education), totalizing 64 participants. By the basis informants speech, we got 527 data uses of Tu, Vocà e o(a) Senhor(a), which were quantitatively (via use of the statistical package GOLDVARB) and qualitatively analyzed, following the theoretical assumptions of the labovian sociolinguistic and of the North American functionalism. The results pointed 307 occurrences of the pronominal form tu, 182 of vocà and only 38 of o(a) senhor(a), which represents, respectively, 58.3%, 34.5%, e 7.2%. We noticed that the tu form is favored when in syntactic parallelism tu-tu, by the exclamatory sentence, by the indirect/direct reference to a individual, by men, high school speakers and on socially symmetric interactions; the form vocà is also motivated by the syntactic parallelism vocÃ-vocà principle, it occurs with higher frequency in indirect reference to an interlocutor or a group of generic denotation and in the own speech/direct speech; regarding the form o(a) senhor(a), we noticed that it is conditioned by the interrogative sentence, direct/specific reference to an individual, reported speech (of the own speaker and/or third person), preferred by younger individuals and by the women. Within the Social functionalism, evaluating the correlation between dependent variable and independent variables by the principle of marking, we noted that the form tu is less marked in the language of CametÃ, considering the distribution of frequency and structural complexity. Therefore, it occurs in less marked environments, attesting the principle of marking (GIVÃN, 1995), as in: contexts of parallel structures tu-tu and specific direct and indirect type of reference to an interlocutor. The form vocÃ, that presents less frequency and greater structural and cognitive complexity, hence more marked, finds predilection, in more marked contexts, as: generic reference and negative declarative type of sentence. Similarly o(a) senhor(a), marked pronoun in the language, also occurs in more marked, of greater structural and cognitive complexity, contexts, as interrogative and negative sentences.

ABSTRACT Thou, Thee, Thy, Thine, Ye, You, Your, Yours: Second Person Pronouns in Two Bible Translations In the King James Version from 1611 there are eight different forms of personal pronouns for second person: the singular forms thou, thee, thy, thine and the corresponding plural forms ye, you, your and yours. Because of linguistic changes in the English language the number of the second person pronouns has declined during the centuries. Accordingly, in the New King James Version from 1990 these eight earlier pronouns are represented by only three pronouns: you, your, yours. Therefore, the hypothesis of this study was that the disappearance of so many different pronoun forms might have caused some ambiguity. To examine this, The Gospel of Luke of both Bible versions was studied and all the second person pronouns were first classified according to their case and number (nominative/accusative/dative/genitive, singular/plural) and thereafter counted. The verses of the Gospel of Luke, where both one or several persons are addressed, were read and carefully studied. Furthermore, when necessary, interesting or relevant, comparisons were also made to two other translations: Gustav V´s Bible from 1917 and the Swedish Bible Version from 2000. The results of this study show that there are differences in the numbers of the examined pronouns. These discrepancies depend on several different factors which have been discussed. In addition, the investigation gives evidence of the fact that the references of pronouns are not always completely clear: several verses, which might be perceived erroneously, were found in the modern English Bible translation.

This study examines the translation of three forms of reader address from English to Swedish in a gardening guidebook – the pronoun you as a second person reference and generic reference, modal verbs, and imperatives. The translation was made by the author of this study. The aim of the study is to investigate how the three forms of reader address is translated. The quantitative analysis shows that the most used form of reader address out of the three investigated are imperatives, while the pronoun you followed closely behind. While modal verbs were used frequently in the ST, the modality was not translated in the TT. The qualitative analysis shows that the pronoun you was translated into second person du, third person generic man or was omitted in the translation in almost equal measure. How the pronoun you was translated in the TT depended on how the translator interpreted the author’s target audience. Only two modal verbs occurred frequently in the ST, and in the TT they were either translated as modal verbs or into present tense. Lastly, the imperative verbs were most commonly translated as imperatives in the TT. About 10% were translated into tensed verbs. Furthermore, half of that was translated to form suggestions.

No description available.

In Chilean Spanish, second-person address is non-uniform in that the vos competes with the conventional tuteo and a third, mixed form has emerged. To add to this complexity, the form speakers choose has been shown to correspond to socioeconomic strata. Upper classes use tú, lower classes use vos, and young, middle class speakers choose the mixed form in which the verb is conjugated according to the voseo and is used with the pronoun tú. The causes and effects of this second-person schism in Chile are explored here, as well as the resulting sociolinguistic issues and consequences. In a study of printed media, television and interviewed informants, an attempt is made to confirm and validate the complexity of address in Chilean Spanish and determine the degree of the mixed voseo‟s pervasion into the mainstream.

L’essai Mind the Gap porte sur les questions de la distance et de l’absence dans la narration de récits à la deuxième personne. Au coeur de ma réflexion se trouve L’absence, de Pierre Vadeboncoeur, un texte hybride, à la fois essai philosophique et lettre d’amour. La lecture de L’absence permet de mettre en lumière la relation qui apparaît entre Je et Tu dans deux oeuvres de statut et de forme bien différents, soit les récits Et tu n’es pas revenu par Marceline Loridan- Ivens et Enfance par Nathalie Sarraute. Dialogue à sens unique d’une part et dédoublement narratif d’autre part, les deux oeuvres mettent à l’épreuve certaines notions développées par Vadeboncoeur pour expliquer la dynamique particulière en jeu quand une narration est dirigée vers Tu, des notions inédites telles que l’être augmenté, l’empreinte et l’Ailleurs de l’écriture. S’adresser à l’autre en l’absence de, c’est transcender cette absence pour en faire une distance, pour se mettre en marche, pour s’engager à franchir le gap. L’enjeu de mon essai est de documenter ce dispositif de l’écart (entre narrateur et narrataire) et de son franchissement à la fois impossible et essentiel. Le bon chien est le récit fragmenté d’une narratrice qui s’adresse à celle qu’elle était bien des années plus tôt pour se remémorer leur passé commun dont elle croit s’être affranchie. C’est l’histoire d’une enfant sage et studieuse, d’une ballerine appliquée et travaillante, d’une amoureuse effacée, c’est l’histoire d’un bon chien. / Mind the Gap examines the issues of distance and absence in second person fiction. The analysis focuses on Pierre Vadeboncoeur’s L’absence, a hybrid text that is both a philosophical essay and a love letter. L’absence is used as a starting point to highlight the relationship between I and You in two works of fiction that are very different in form and status: Marceline Loridan- Ivens’s Et tu n’es pas revenu and Nathalie Sarraute’s Enfance. Part one-way dialogue, part split narrative, the two works challenge a set of novel concepts such as l’être augmenté (the enhanced being), l’empreinte (the imprint) and l’Ailleurs de l’écriture (the elsewhere of writing), developed by Vadeboncoeur to explain the unique dynamics of second person narratives. To address the other in the other's absence is to transcend that absence in order to create a distance instead and make a commitment to bridge the divide. This paper looks to explain how the distance between narrator and narratee is achieved and how closing that gap is both impossible and essential. Le bon chien is the fragmented story of a narrator who reminisces with her earlier self of many years back about a shared past that she believes she has freed herself from. It is the story of a well-behaved studious child, a dedicated hard-working ballerina, a faded lover—it is the story of a good dog.

A pesquisa tem como objetivo geral defender uma interpretação específica do valor da igualdade. Contra teorias que não reconhecem a igualdade como um valor moral intrínseco - como as teorias libertarianas, instrumentalistas e suficientaristas da justiça -, e contra a visão distributivista da igualdade - encontrada, por exemplo, no chamado igualitarismo de fortuna - a tese formula e avalia com base em argumentos normativos uma interpretação relacional do valor da igualdade denominada de igualitarismo social. A especificidade do igualitarismo social encontra-se em seu fundamento: um ideal de respeito mútuo responsável por governar as relações interpessoais entre pessoas livres e iguais. Ao defender a plausibilidade de concepções relacionais de igualdade, espera-se demonstrar que a igualdade social é capaz fornecer uma base (i) coerente, (ii) moralmente relevante, e (iii) distributivamente determinada para a justiça igualitária. Para isso, a tese argumenta, em primeiro lugar, que o uso da coerção coletiva entre iguais em autoridade demanda uma forma especifica de justificação intrapessoal uma atitude que denominarei de respeito deliberativo. Com base na noção de respeito deliberativo é possível ressaltar a existência de um tipo determinado de desrespeito igualitário, qual seja: o desrespeito performativo na reivindicação de direitos. A ideia de respeito deliberativo pode ser formulada com base nas contribuições filosóficas recentes de uma moralidade de segunda de pessoa, tal como formulada por Stephen Darwall, isto é, como um tipo de justificação normativa fundada na responsabilização mútua entre agentes morais. Finalmente, a tese argumenta que o igualitarismo social é compatível com princípios gerais de justiça social. Dois desses princípios são apresentados e analisados: (i) o princípio de mínimo cívico e (ii) o princípio de participação na riqueza social. De um ponto de vista igualitário, atender às exigências de ambos os princípios deve ser compreendido como uma condição de necessidade para uma cidadania democrática justa. / The work holds that the value of equality is best understood in a determined way. Against nonegalitarian theories such as libertarian, instrumentalist and sufficentarian theories - on one side, and distributive-based theories such as the luck egalitarianism - on the other, the thesis offers and evaluate, based on normative arguments, a relational interpretation of egalitarianism to be called social egalitarianism. What makes social egalitarianism a distinctive type of theory is its normative foundation: an ideal of mutual respect responsible for governing the interpersonal relations between free and equal persons. The work intends to show that a relational interpretation of equality is able to provide the basis for a (i) coherent, (ii) morally relevant, and (iii) distributive determined ground for egalitarian theories of justice. In order to stablish all that, it shows, first, how the legitimate exercise of political coercion among equals in authority brings about a particular kind of interpersonal attitude, called deliberative respect. Next, it is argued that the notion of deliberative respect allows us to conceptualize a particular instance of disrespect among equals, namely, the performative disrespect against a right-holder, and showing why respectful relations among equals in authority should be framed in a secondperson standpoint morality a morality according to each people are mutually accountable to each other - as the idea has been developed by Stephen Darwall. Finally, the work argues for the conceptual compatibility between social egalitarianism, on one hand, and distributive principles of justice, on the other. Two principles of justice are considered: (i) the principle of the civic minimum and (ii) the principle of participation in social wealth. From an egalitarian standpoint, both principles are required in order to bring about a just democratic citizenship.

Esta dissertação trata da variação no uso do pronome de segunda pessoa (singular e plural) na cidade de São Paulo. Duas formas alternativas são empregadas nessa comunidade de fala: a variante plena você(s) e a forma foneticamente reduzida cê(s). A pesquisa é desenvolvida de acordo com os pressupostos teórico-metodológicos da Sociolinguística Variacionista. Foram desenvolvidas análises sincrônica e diacrônica com dados extraídos de duas amostras (NURC-SP-1970 e GESOL-SP-2000). Os resultados evidenciam um equilíbrio na distribuição das duas variantes nessa comunidade de fala. Embora se verifique uma típica mudança em progresso (tempo aparente) na década de 1970, a análise dos anos 2000 revela um caso de variação estável na comunidade de fala. Nos anos 2000, a variante inovadora, a forma reduzida cê, tende a ser favorecida pelos informantes mais jovens e pelas mulheres acima de 50 anos de idade. Cê é desfavorecida entre os indivíduos de uma faixa etária intermediária (entre 35 e 45 anos) o que pode estar relacionado a questões de monitoramento da fala e ao mercado linguístico (Paiva & Duarte, 2003). Adicionalmente, cê tende a ser evitado entre os indivíduos mais escolarizados; e é favorecido em interações cujos informantes são familiares ou amigos. De um ponto de vista linguístico, o emprego das variantes é correlacionado pelo Princípio do Contorno Obrigatório e por questões morfossintáticas, semânticas e discursivo-cognitivas, com especial atenção à referência do pronome. Os resultados corroboram a hipótese de cliticização da variante reduzida, mas fornecem um contra-argumento à correlação direta entre erosão fonética e abstratização semântica, defendida na literatura sobre gramaticalização. / This master thesis analyzes the variation in the use of the second person pronoun (singular and plural) in the city of São Paulo. Two alternative forms are employed: você you, and a phonetically reduced form cê you. The research is developed according to the theoretical and methodological framework of Variationist Sociolinguistics. Both synchronic and diachronic multivariate analyses are pursued, with data extracted from two samples (NURC-SP-1970 and GESOL-SP-2000). The results show a balance in the distribution of the two variants in the speech community. Although it was observed a typical change in progress (apparent time) in the 1970s, the analysis of the 2000s data reveals a case of stable variation in the speech community. In the 2000s, the innovative, phonetically reduced variant tends to be favored by younger people and women over 50 years old. Cê is disfavored among individuals between 35 and 45 years which can be related to issues of speech monitoring and the linguistic market (Paiva & Duarte, 2003). In addition, cê tends to be avoided by those whose level of education is higher, and is favored in conversations between informants who are friends or relatives. From a linguistic perspective, the use of variants is correlated by the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) and by morphosyntactic, semantic and discursive-cognitive factors, with special attention to the reference of the pronoun. Results confirm the hypothesis of cliticization of the reduced variant, but reveal a counterargument for the direct correlation between \"phonetic erosion\" and \"semantic abstraction\", which has been claimed in the literature on grammaticalization