The aim of my work is to apply the political-geographical or geopolitical optics to a specific foreign security activities of the EU, i.e. to put political aims and activities of political-geographical framework. In geopolitical terms, it is necessary to assess the potential and the current deployment of civilian missions. For this purpose, in accordance with the hypothesis of my work, that the civilian aspects of crisis management CSDP are based mainly on the willingness and desire of Member States in a given area or country involved should be analyzed for the three major priorities of Member States (UK, Germany and France) in civilian areas (see National Security Strategy). The work compares the current activities of EU civil security-CSDP and geopolitical intentions of the three great European powers, Germany, France and Great Britain. Civilian CSDP should concentrate in geographic areas that are of key importance to most member states and especially for three large powers. The question is whether the major European powers reflect their priorities in EU policy in its entirety or whether there are other factors that prevent them from doing so. Such factors include decisions based on consensus and the growing power of the European Commission, which defends its interests very hard in the CSDP. Large Member...

The debate regarding how Europe may assert its autonomy as a political actor is crucial. The Russian invasion of Ukraine is one of the most relevant topics for European Union politics. This thesis will focus on the strategic conditions within the security and defence sector needed to assert Strategic Autonomy from the perspective of Emmanuel Macron’s presidency and leadership. Over the years the EU has implemented new institutional structures, such as the European Defence Fund, the European Intervention Initiative, and the Strategic Compass, correlating with Macron’s goals of implementing a strategic culture doctrine within the EU. Despite the progress of the European Strategic Autonomy concept there still is a major disagreement amongst the EU member states. Some members prefer a transatlantic partnership, some focus on internal development within the European Union. Using the theories of Liberal institutionalism and the principle of coherence, the purpose of this thesis is to explore and understand more about the dynamics of the conditions that could hypothetically facilitate the strategic autonomy of the European Union’s defence capabilities. The study reveals that the conditions required is based of the French national strategy of strategic autonomy,which involves a shared political, operational and industrial goal. / <p>En välskriven och innehållsrik uppsats som använder både analytiska begrepp och teori på ett konsekvent sätt. Metodavsnittet saknar en beskrivning av datainsamlingsmetod och användning av material. Uppsatsen har en oklar disposition vilket gör den svårläst i vissa delar.</p><p></p><p>- Kommentar från examinator Örnerheim</p>

This dissertation scrutinises two related claims that were particularly heightened in 2009 as the European Union (EU) was celebrating the first tenth anniversary of its European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), the implementing arm of its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). First, the two policy frameworks allegedly embodied sufficient added value for bettering EU intervention for human protection purposes in third places. Second, the ESDP supposedly enabled the EU to make a difference in its response to two bloody wars that broke out in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) successively in 1996 and 1998. This thesis argues that the alleged added value and difference have been overstated at best. While various studies have taken a similar position, they have important shortcomings for at least four reasons: lack of a comprehensive account of the CFSP motives, capacities, and response; exclusive focus on civil and military operations; focus on the post-Second Congo War period; and a lack of conceptual clarity regarding two key terms – ‘conflict resolution’ and ‘peacebuilding’. This thesis goes beyond generalisation and undertakes a forensic examination of the CFSP statements, decisions, and actions precisely through the lens of Conflict Resolution (CR): a specific subject area of study with its own normative, theoretical, and practical advantages and shortcomings; and with a more comprehensive and indeed seminal conceptualisation of peacebuilding. The outcome is a far more nuanced assessment of failure and success of the EU’s peace endeavours in this context than can be obtained through a broad-brush approach to analysis.

This dissertation traces military integration in Europe from the 1940s to the early 2000s in order to reveal the growth of a common European defence identity. Four factors characterize its approach. First, European defence identity is analyzed in relation to the broader path of European integration and its historical context, showing connections with key turning points in European integration, with the evolution of Franco-German relations and European-American relations, with the Cold War and subsequent Collapse of Communism, etc. Second, the dissertation applies theories of identity formation to guide the historical analysis. This approach draws attention, for example, to the important roles that borders and symbols played in European defence identity formation. Third, the thesis adopts a hybrid “top-down” and “bottom-up” approach; one side considers formal programs, policies, and institutions that promoted a European defence identity, while the other takes stock of public perceptions, actions by “rank and file” soldiers, etc. This dual approach helps to reveal more fully the complex, negotiated character of European defence identity formation. Finally, this thesis traces the growth of a European defence identity as a path of ideological and emotional change, growing commitment, and trust-building that spanned decades.

La Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune (PESC) est la politique de l'Union Européenne qui suscite le moins d'intérêt et le moins d'attention dans la doctrine de droit de l'Union Européenne. Ce statut d'enfant-perdu de la doctrine s'explique aisément : la Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune multiplie les singularités, et en tout premier lieu celle d'être généralement présentée comme étant la politique intergouvernementale par excellence de l'Union européenne. La PESC présente également la singularité d'être une politique opérationnelle. Plus de trente opérations civiles et militaires ont ainsi été menées au-delà des frontières de l'Union européenne. La PESC présente également la singularité d'être une politique opérationnelle. Plus de trente opérations civiles et militaires ont ainsi été menées au-delà des frontières de l'Union européenne depuis 2003 et le recours aux mesures restrictives ne faiblit pas. De la même manière, la conduite et la réussite de telles opérations a nécessité tant la mise sur pied d'institutions, d'organes et d'agences que l'établissement d'une base industrielle et technologique de défense et d'un marché intérieur de la défense. Le développement et l'affermissement de cette politique opérationnelle de l'Union européenne ne se sont cependant pas faits sans l'intervention des institutions européennes. Le Parlement, la Commission européenne et la Cour de justice de l'Union européenne exercent, au contraire, un contrôle politique, financier et juridictionnel toujours plus poussé sur cette politique. C'est alors la fin de la singularité de la Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune, laquelle tend à devenir comme les autres et à s'inscrire en cohérence avec le modèle d'intégration de l'Union européenne. / The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is the EU policy, that arouses the least interest and attention in the doctrine of law of the European Union. This lack of consideration can easily be explained : the Common Foreign and Security Policy is peculiar is numerous ways, and first and foremost it is specific for being the quintessential intergovernmental policy of the European union. CFSP also presents the difference of being an operational policy. More than thirty civil and military operations have been carried out beyond the borders of the European Union since 2003 and the use of restrictive measures is not weakening. In the samie vein, the conduct and success of such operations required the development of institutions, bodies and agencies as well as the establishment of an European Defence Technological and Industrial Base and the creation of an internal market of defense. However, this operational policy of the European Union could not have been developed and strengthened without intervention of European institutions. The Parliament, the European Commission and the Court of justice of the European Union exercise more and more elaborate political, financial and judicial control over this policy. On this las aspect, the Common Foreign and Security Policy tends to become an European policy like any other and be consistent with the model of integration of the European Union.

This dissertation traces military integration in Europe from the 1940s to the early 2000s in order to reveal the growth of a common European defence identity. Four factors characterize its approach. First, European defence identity is analyzed in relation to the broader path of European integration and its historical context, showing connections with key turning points in European integration, with the evolution of Franco-German relations and European-American relations, with the Cold War and subsequent Collapse of Communism, etc. Second, the dissertation applies theories of identity formation to guide the historical analysis. This approach draws attention, for example, to the important roles that borders and symbols played in European defence identity formation. Third, the thesis adopts a hybrid “top-down” and “bottom-up” approach; one side considers formal programs, policies, and institutions that promoted a European defence identity, while the other takes stock of public perceptions, actions by “rank and file” soldiers, etc. This dual approach helps to reveal more fully the complex, negotiated character of European defence identity formation. Finally, this thesis traces the growth of a European defence identity as a path of ideological and emotional change, growing commitment, and trust-building that spanned decades.

The master thesis is dedicated to the stabilization role of the European Union in Africa with focus on the military training missions in Somalia and Mali. The aim is to analyze and evaluate their prosperity and additionaly to draw conclusions about the future involvement of these types of missions in Africa, since the military missions with the civilian aspects seem to be the perspective way of the EU engagement in Africa. The thesis is also supported by the evaluation of the socioeconomic cooperation which is also crucial for the stabilization role of the EU in Africa.

The Master's Thesis "The Special Relationship, the ESDP and the British National Interest at the Turn of the New Millenium" analyses the relationship of the United Kingdom to both the United States and the European Union during the premiership of Tony Blair. By using critical discourse analysis and applying three criteria within the framework of the procedural concept of national interest, the work seeks to determine whether the creation and further development of the European Security and Defence Policy was in the British national interest and whether it was compatible with the close UK-US relationship. After having examined the British public political discourse of three main political parties on security and defence, this thesis arrives at the conclusion that for Britain it was essential to keep NATO at the centre of its security, to maintain the close relationship with the US and to improve Britain's position in Europe. The core attitudes of the British political elite remained unchanged in the respected period. On the discourse level, the ESDP was in the British national interest as it was presented as an effort to strengthen the European pillar within NATO. Predicate and metaphor analysis of Blair's speeches unveiled that the British Prime Minister, considered as the initiator of a more...

The aim of this thesis is to answer how and why France intervenes in Sub-Saharan Africa in the new millennium. This region represented the pivotal part of French colonial empire and France maintained close mutual relationship even after decolonization, partly due to the numerous military interventions. Security and defence policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa underwent gradual changes since the 1990s', France started to participate in multilateral peace operations and outside its traditional sphere of influence. Since 2003, when the European Union launched the first operation on the African continent, the vast majority of French interventions took place within the Common Security and Defence Policy of the EU. There were twelve new operations in the examined period 2003-2012, from which four military missions were selected for the purpose of this research: Operation Artemis in the Democratic Republic of Congo in 2003, EUFOR DR Congo ibidem in 2006, EUFOR Chad/CAR in Chad and Central African Republic from 2008 to 2009 and naval operation EU NAVFOR Atalanta launched by the coast of Somalia in 2008. The thesis compares these cases in order to analyse motives which lead France to intervene in Sub-Saharan Africa and to prefere multilateral type of operation. The motives are assessed in the context of the...

This diploma thesis focuses on the development of the common EU security policy between the years 2014-2019. Its aim is to contribute to a deeper understanding of the rapid progress of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) in recent years, as well as to an explanation of their current functioning. The work seeks to achieve this through the three dominant strands of new institutionalism (historical, rationalist and sociological), which have already proven to be the theories able to clarify the European integration process. The thesis examines the process of EU security integration and its strengthening through the creation of new tools in the security-political dimension. Each theoretical variant focuses on different issues and different part of reality, this way the thesis leads to a more comprehensive explanations. The basic research question set out is as follows: How can we explain the unprecedented development of a common EU security policy using the dominant strands of new institutionalism in the period 2014-2019? From a methodological point of view, it is conducted as a one-case qualitative study.