The Swedish Defence bill of 2015 demonstrated a rapid change in policy objectives, consequently moving away from an expeditionary force and converging into a territorial defence force. Previous research has attributed and explained the quick shift to the geostrategic unbalance that followed after the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014. Yet, major policy changes are often years in the making, indicating that there must be additional explanations to the rapid shift. By applying a modified version of John Kingdon’s (2011) Multiple Streams Framework on the case of Sweden changing its security and defence policy, this thesis examines the policy process that preceded the official policy decision. The thesis provides further explanation to why the rapid policy change occurred by utilising qualitative content analysis. The analysis shows that the new policy was adopted due to several factors: one being the attention brought to several problems pertaining to the previous policy, another one was found in the timing between focusing events and the on-going work process of the Swedish defence commission, and lastly, strong actors within the policy field were in favour of a change in policy. The thesis concludes that the presence of several factors within the processes of politics, policy and problems enabled the rapid policy change.

The work is a case study that focuses on the attitude of the Czech Republic towards security and defence dimension of the European Union. It focuses on the context of European security and defence policy. It gives a detailed insight into the system formed by the European institutions, their powers and decisions on the one hand and Member States on the other. Within this context, formulates four major issues that the European security and defence policy reflected in the security policy of the Member States. The study focuses and examines the most significant of these problems, and probes whether and how these problems appear in the attitudes of the actors of the Czech security policy. Key words: European Union, Common Security and Defence Policy, Czech Republic, security policy

This thesis aims to analyze the evolution of the security policies of Finland and Sweden within the European Union (EU) with a comparative perspective. The main argument of this thesis is that increasing European integration in the field of security and defense may lead to adaptations and modifications in the security policy formulations of two militarily non-allied EU member states, Finland and Sweden. However, the nature and extent of these adaptations will depend on each state&rsquo / s own security policy perspective and own perception of the ongoing European security integration. This thesis seeks answers to questions such as &ldquo / How does the policy of non-participation in military alliances affect these countries&rsquo / standpoints and their participation in general in the EU&rsquo / s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and in the Common European Security and Defence Policy (CESDP)?,&rdquo / &ldquo / How do Finland and Sweden interpret and apply this policy perspective within the CFSP, and in the CESDP?&rdquo / and &ldquo / What does membership of the EU imply for the policies of the militarily non-allied countries?.&rdquo / This thesis consists of nine chapters. The second chapter gives the conceptual framework of this thesis. The third chapter focuses on the evolution of their neutrality policies until the Second World War while the fourth one presents the evolution of their security policies from the Second World War until the end of the Cold War. The fifth chapter covers the transition period from their neutrality policy to their EU membership, while the sixth chapter focuses on the evolution of their security policies especially within the CESDP. The seventh chapter draws attention to their new security policy agenda and the eighth chapter presents the comparative analysis of their security policies in the EU. The ninth, and concluding chapter, offers an overall comparative perspective about the respective security policy profiles of the two countries within the EU. This thesis has reached the conclusion that owing to their different histories, geopolitical positions and security policy concerns during the Cold War, their ways of adapting to the changes within the EU were inclined to be different too. Even though their entry to the EU in 1995 may be accepted as the starting-point for the potential future convergence of their security policies, the similarities in their security policy considerations do not outweigh the differences for the time being.

This Final Paper consists of analysis of NATO and EU role to Lithuanian security by identifying our days and future threats to Lithuanian security and identification of the future of the Lithuanian security policy. In the first part of this final paper was glanced through NATO and EU CFSP and DP history, highlighting problems of EU integration to Euroatlantic security. It can be assumed that more then half of continuing Cold War century NATO has assured the creation and the welfare of Eastern Europe. The collective defense remains further of one’s NATO functions, by that time EU is not responsible of European collective defense. EU stands just in crisis management. The NATO��s and EU’ intercourse problem maintains historical and national color. The second part was dedicated to analyze the evolution of Lithuanian membership in NATO, EU CFSP and DP. It was noticeable that Lithuanian NATO membership gives security to country against straight military invasion by discouraging potential threats. The EU membership gives economical sanctions to threat object just de facto i. m. after, for example, the invasion to Lithuania. But according to NATO and EU agreements, nations which belong to these organizations are allowed to choose the way of reaction so it’s might depend on relationship of each of them and Lithuania. The type and the spectrum of threats were identified in the last part and there was made an analysis which of them and in what time dimension might occur against... [to full text]

The objective of this thesis is to evaluate European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy in the context of historical evolution of the CFSP. In this thesis, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy will be evaluated in three international political contexts. First period is Post World War II Period, second one is Post-Cold War Period and third one is Post September 11 Period. In the context of Post World War II period, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy is shaped by the conditions of Cold War, Bipolar World and threat of Soviet expansionism towards Western Europe and characterized by the attempts such as European Defence Community, Fouchet Plan and European Political Cooperation. In the context of Post-Cold War period, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy were shaped by ex-Yugoslavian Conflict in early 90s which brought new security challenges such as ethnic conflicts and instability in the ex-Communist States in Central and Eastern Europe. EU&rsquo / s attempts were characterized by the CFSP which was launched by the Maastricht Treaty and the CESDP which emerged after Kosovo War with Saint Malo Declaration as defence dimension of the CFSP. In the context of Post September 11 period, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy were shaped by global fight against international terrorism. EU&rsquo / s attempts were characterized by adoption of European Security Strategy which accepted international terrorism, organized crime and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction as key threats towards Europe and aimed at developing a coherent vision of strategic objectives, shared threat assessment for European States in order to prevent divisions among EU States in future international events. The main argument of this thesis is that in order to be an important and effective actor in global politics, EU Member States should act coherently and speak with one voice. Their influence on important international issues is greater if they act as a coherent actor rather than acting individually.

This thesis aims to analyse the transformation of Sweden’s state identity as well as its Security and Defence Policy through a theoretical framework based on Alexander Wendt’s “Social Theory of International Relations”. By identifying factors (both internal and external) that have affected Sweden’s actions and policymaking, the thesis provides an understanding of the gradual conversion from neutrality, isolation and national defence to military non-alignment, cooperation and international operations. The thesis discusses a future renationalisation in international relations and identifies difficulties with Sweden’s policy of being militarily non-aligned in peacetime aiming for neutrality in wartime. Because of Sweden’s membership in the European Union, NATO’s Partnership for Peace, and the Declaration of Solidarity, the neutrality option does not seem particularly viable if a conflict were to arise in Sweden’s vicinity.

Cette thèse étudie les politiques de sécurité et de défense développées dans la corne de l’Afrique. Notre objectif principal est de montrer qu’en Somalie, en Érythrée, en Éthiopie et à Djibouti les facteurs politiques, historiques, économiques et sociaux se combinent pour expliquer la situation d’insécurité totale qui règne dans la région. Sa position géostratégique fait d’elle, une zone très convoitée pour mieux lutter contre le terrorisme et la piraterie. Cet avantage géographique est peu rentabilisé à cause des guerres civiles, des contentieux territoriaux et des catastrophes naturelles qui ont engendré l’une des plus grandes crises humanitaires et alimentaires au monde. Devant cet état de fait, les politiques de sécurité et défense, qu’elles soient régionales et continentale, semblent être impuissantes. Les échecs de ces politiques découlent, d’une part ; des discordes entre les chefs d’État et, d’autre part ; du manque de moyens financiers des États, de l’Union africaine et de ses organismes sous régionaux (l’IGAD et le COMESA). En étudiant le cas de Djibouti, nous montrerons que la politique de sécurité nationale souffre de plusieurs maux. En effet, la corruption, le clientélisme, le tribalisme et le détournement des deniers publics affaiblissent la politique sécuritaire et incitent les populations appauvries aux soulèvements. Djibouti, étant l’un des pays le plus stable de la région, constitue un baromètre pour mieux mesurer les nouvelles menaces qui déstabiliseraient la zone. Pays limitrophes des foyers du terrorisme et de la piraterie, il est le choix d’implantation, par excellence, des bases militaires françaises, américaines, japonaise et de plusieurs autres contingents. Ainsi, en bénéficiant de l’aide et de la protection de ces États, il devient, par conséquent, une cible des groupes terroristes. L’apport sécuritaire et économique des bases sont indéniables. Cependant, elles ne manquent pas d’impacter négativement sur son environnement social. / This thesis studies the politics of security and defence that have been developed in the Horn of Africa. Our main objective is to show that in Somalia, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Djibouti there are political, historical, economical and sociological factors that explain the prevailing insecurity within the region. Its geostrategic position makes it a coveted area for fighting terrorism and piracy. Nevertheless this geographical advantage is not as profitable as it could be because of civil wars, boundary disputes and natural disasters that have generated one of the world’s biggest humanitarian and food crisis. Security and defence policies, whether regional or continental, have shown to be powerless when facing these realities. The failures of these policies are due to disagreements between Heads of State and to the lack of financial resources within States, the African Union and its sub-regional agencies such as IGAD and COMESA. By studying the case of Djibouti we will prove that national security policies have been weakened by corruption, clientelism and tribalism, which has lead to the insurgence of the impoverished population. Because Djibouti is one of the most stable States in the region, it serves as a barometer that measures new treats to the stability of the zone. As a neighbouring country to the hotbeds of terrorism and piracy, Djibouti is where the French, the American and the Japanese have settled their military bases; it has also consequently become the target of terrorist groups. The military bases have certainly improved the security and the economy of the area but they have also had a negative impact on its social environment.

La ricerca fornisce un’indagine diacronica dell’evoluzione della cooperazione UE-NATO. Lo studio permette di andare oltre le dicotomie “formale/informale” e “stato/burocrazia” che hanno contraddistinto gli studi sulla relazione tra le due organizzazioni. Arricchendo il quadro analitico multilivello con proposizioni teoriche tratte dall'istituzionalismo storico, la ricerca considera la cooperazione formale e informale come istituzioni che si influenzano reciprocamente e dimostra come la complessa interazione tra fattori materiali, istituzionali e l’azione di attori statali e non statali influenzi la cooperazione tra le due organizzazioni. Evidenze empiriche rivelano un andamento ricorrente nel cambiamento della cooperazione formale UE-NATO, in quanto minacce alla sicurezza e integrità territoriale Europea innescano una giuntura critica che facilita una convergenza di preferenze tra gli stati che segnalano interesse per una nuova politica di cooperazione e individui nelle organizzazioni che agiscono come negoziatori. Nonostante tale processo accomuni l’accordo Berlin Plus con la Dichiarazione congiunta UE-NATO, il recente ritorno alla cooperazione formale avanza ambizioni con maggiori sfumature costruttiviste e segnala un ruolo crescente della burocrazia come policy-maker. Lo staff delle due organizzazioni ha sviluppato pratiche di cooperazione informale, che non solo hanno parzialmente compensato gli anni di stallo tra UE e NATO, ma hanno anche influenzato la finalità e il contenuto della recente ripresa della cooperazione formale tra le due organizzazioni. / The research provides a diachronic investigation of the evolution of EU-NATO cooperation. In so doing, the study allows for going past the “formal/informal” and “state/bureaucratic” dichotomies that have characterized EU-NATO studies. Combining the “multilevel framework” of analysis with theoretical insights from historical institutionalism, the research considers formal and informal cooperation as intersecting and mutually influencing institutions and reveals how the complex interplay among material, institutional factors and state and no-state actors’ agency affect inter-organizational cooperation. Our empirical findings reveal a recurring pattern of change in EU-NATO formal cooperation, as threats to European security and territorial integrity trigger a critical juncture facilitating the convergence of actors’ preferences with states showing interest in a new policy of cooperation and individuals acting as policy-brokers. Notwithstanding this commonality between the adoption of the Berlin Plus agreement and the EU-NATO Joint Declaration, the recent upsurge of formal cooperation shows more constructivist nuanced ambitions and a growing role of bureaucrats as policy-makers. Staff have displayed inter-organizational agency by developing informal practices of cooperation that did not only partially counterbalance lack of cooperation in the years of the EU-NATO stalemate, but have also shaped the ratio and content of the recent comeback to formal cooperation.

The aim of this study is to examine the extent to which the end of the Cold War led to Europeanisation in European Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The analysis takes into consideration previous studies on Europeanisation and its impact on the transformation of national security and defence, and attempts to account for the development of Europeanisation and related mechanisms. These mechanisms, which were described by Radaelli as framing mechanisms and negative integration, incorporate all major relevant factors identified in the thesis (i.e., a common strategic culture, new security identity, domestic political decision-making, industrial base and defence spending decline) which contribute to the realisation of the CSDP. The relevance of these factors for CSDP Europeanisation is examined through historical and empirical analysis. Furthermore, the relationship between CSDP and NATO is also explored. This approach facilitates the analysis of the debate concerning the emergence of CSDP and throws light on the political shift that led EU leaders to support CSDP. Another aspect of this study is the empirical analysis of the dynamics and limitations of the European defence sector. The changes which took place in the European defence sector facilitated the emergence of CSDP. Hence, these changes are analysed in view of globalisation issues, economies of scale, economic crises, military autonomy, new security strategy and R&D impact.

This Master thesis examines reasons of Czech politicians to decide on sending armed forces of the Czech Republic into military missions and operations of the European Union. The Czech Republic in researched years 2003-2016 took part in six out of twelve EU's military missions and operations. During these years, the support at the Czech political scene towards said missions and operations changed many times, depending on the position of certain party in the government or in the opposition. Thesis uses content analysis of discussions for its research. These discussions took place in the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic between years 2003 and 2016 and were associated with government's proposals on the deployment of the Czech armed forces abroad. Each Member of the Chamber of Deputies' contribution is assigned into one of defined categories: Security, Profitability and Appropriateness. The main hypothesis is that the majority of contributions in the researched debates belongs into Appropriateness category, largely due to importance of commitments towards allies in the EU. The second hypothesis is that the amount of arguments belonging into Security category will rise in the last couple of years, mainly because of the worsening security situation in the European Union and the...