This dissertation scrutinises two related claims that were particularly heightened in 2009 as the European Union (EU) was celebrating the first tenth anniversary of its European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), the implementing arm of its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). First, the two policy frameworks allegedly embodied sufficient added value for bettering EU intervention for human protection purposes in third places. Second, the ESDP supposedly enabled the EU to make a difference in its response to two bloody wars that broke out in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) successively in 1996 and 1998. This thesis argues that the alleged added value and difference have been overstated at best. While various studies have taken a similar position, they have important shortcomings for at least four reasons: lack of a comprehensive account of the CFSP motives, capacities, and response; exclusive focus on civil and military operations; focus on the post-Second Congo War period; and a lack of conceptual clarity regarding two key terms – ‘conflict resolution’ and ‘peacebuilding’. This thesis goes beyond generalisation and undertakes a forensic examination of the CFSP statements, decisions, and actions precisely through the lens of Conflict Resolution (CR): a specific subject area of study with its own normative, theoretical, and practical advantages and shortcomings; and with a more comprehensive and indeed seminal conceptualisation of peacebuilding. The outcome is a far more nuanced assessment of failure and success of the EU’s peace endeavours in this context than can be obtained through a broad-brush approach to analysis / European Community-funded Sustainable Peacebuilding (SPBUILD) Research Training Network; University of Deusto’s ‘RETOS’ research group on socio-cultural and human rights challenges in a changing world.

Background: In 2009, the European Union (EU) adopted the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). This contributed to an already on-going change amongst the armed forces of the Union. No previous research has examined how the skills required of young officers in the EU are taught at the Basic Officer Education within either Sweden or Austria. Purpose: This thesis examines to what extent the skills needed of young officers in a CSDP-environment are taught during the Basic Officer Educations in Sweden and Austria. The purpose is to conclude if the Swedish and Austrian Basic Officer Educations are complying with the political wills of their respective countries, to adapt their armed forces to the EU and CSDP. Method: The author compares the Swedish and Austrian Basic Officer Education by examining curriculums and syllabuses, as well as conducting expert interviews with officials at the schools and comparing the results. The educations are examined based on how they educated the concept of CSDP and how interoperability and a European culture of defence are promoted. Conclusion: The results show that both Sweden and Austria educate their cadets in the CSDP and take measurements to promote interoperability and a European culture of defence. The results suggest that Austria does so to a further extent. Based on the results, the author suggests increased exchanges, Pooling &amp; Sharing during Basic Officer Education and further developments towards a common European Basic Officer Education. / <p>Erasmus</p>

La lutte contre le terrorisme, ainsi que ses conséquences sur la sphère des droits de l'Homme, n'est pas un thème nouveau en Europe. Cependant, depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 perpétrés sur le sol des Etats-Unis, «confirmés» par ceux de Madrid en 2004 et Londres en 2005, elle n'a jamais incarné une telle priorité. La majeure partie des mesures prises par l'Union européenne tombe sous le titre de la coopération en matière pénale, c’est-à-dire sousl’ex-troisième Pilier, parmi lesquelles la décision-cadre sur la lutte contre le terrorisme, la décision-cadre sur le mandat d'arrêt européen et les accords entre l'Union européenne et les Etats-Unis d'Amérique sur l'extradition et l'assistance juridique mutuelle. Sur base des mesures européennes, certains Etats, historiquement non concernés par ce phénomène, ont été pressés à adopter des mesures anti-terroristes alors que d’autres y ont vu une légitimation pour renforcer leur corpus juridique déjà existant. Quel est l'impact des mesures européennes et de celles prises par les Etats sur le délicat équilibre entre la sécurité et la liberté ? En d'autres termes, quel est le rôle de l'Etat de droit : une limitation à ces mesures ou, un principe visant au renforcement du combat contre le terrorisme? / The fight against terrorism, as well as its consequences in the field of Human Rights, is not a new theme for Europe. However, since the terrorist attacks of September the 11th 2001 in the United States of America, “confirmed” by the ones of Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005, it has never embodied such a priority. The larger part of the measures taken by the European Union falls under the heading of cooperation in criminal matters, i.e. within the scope of the former Third Pillar, among which the framework decision on combating terrorism, the framework decision on the European arrest warrant and the agreements between the European Union and the United States of America on extradition and mutual legal assistance. On basis of the European measures, some States, not historically concerned by terrorism, have been compelled to carry out counter-terrorism measures whereas, others have seen a legitimation to reinforce their existing body of law. What is the impact of the European measures and the ones taken by States on the delicate balance between security and liberty? In other words, what is the role of the Rule of Law: a limitation to those measures or, a principle aiming to the strengthening of the fight against terrorism?

L’obiettivo di questa tesi è di valutare che tipo di modello per la gestione delle crisi l’Unione Europea (UE) ha elaborato attraverso l’adozione e l’attuazione del Trattato di Lisbona, ma anche di capire che impatto ha prodotto la sua interazione con lo scenario internazionale di sicurezza. L’analisi è condotta a tre livelli: (1) strategico – elaborazione o revisione di concetti, politiche e documenti quadro; (2) istituzionale – creazione e riorganizzazione delle strutture di riferimento e dei processi decisionali; (3) operativo – pianificazione e gestione delle missioni civili e militari sul terreno. Lo scopo finale è quello di verificare se l’approccio dell’UE alla gestione delle crisi può considerarsi efficace per affrontare i possibili scenari futuri e come possa essere migliorato sulla base delle esperienze più recenti. / The objective of this thesis is to assess what kind of crisis management model the European Union (EU) has elaborated through the adoption and implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon and what is the impact produced by its interaction with the international security context. The analysis is conducted at three different levels: (1) strategic – elaboration or review of concepts, policies and framework documents; (2) institutional – establishment or reorganization of structures and decision-making process; (3) operational – planning and conduct of civilian and military missions on the ground. The final aim is to evaluate whether the EU’s approach to crisis management will be able to face up possible future scenarios and how this model might be improved on the basis of most recent experiences.

[pt] O objetivo desta dissertação de Mestrado é analisar o processo de reformulação da identidade coletiva do Reino Unido no governo de Tony Blair, em função de sua participação na Política Européia de Segurança e Defesa da União Européia, com base em conceitos desenvolvidos pela teoria construtivista de Relações Internacionais. As mudanças ocorridas no esquema de segurança e defesa europeu receberam um grande ímpeto por parte do Reino Unido, que, tradicionalmente, tem se caracterizado por uma política reticiente no que diz respeito a cooperação em questões de segurança e defesa. Argumenta-se que o novo enfoque da política britânica com relação à Política Européia de Segurança e Defesa, a partir de 1998, insere-se num processo de redefinição da identidade coletiva com relação a União Européia, apos o Reino Unido ter sido relegado ao segundo plano no que se refere a questões de uniao política européia. / [en] The aim of this dissertation is to analize the process of identity reformulation of the United Kingdom under Tony Blair through its participation in the European Security and Defence Policy of the European Union. This analysis is based on constructivism litterature. The changes that had taken place in the european security and defence field were, to a certain degree, the result of a british attitude, which has traditionally been characterized as sceptical in these areas. The argument is that this new british approch is part of a deeper process of colletive identity reformulation.

This master thesis deals with the topic of the European security and examines its development from the end of the Second World War. Single development stages are analyzed, with an increased attention paid to the Western European Union in the first part. Further the thesis explains the formation of the Common Foreign and Security policy, its development in particular primary documents on the EU, its major actors and tools and than the gradual emergence of the European security and defence policy. The recent EU operations are described as well. The entire thesis reflects the relations between the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty. Various legal, political and practical conflicts and difficulties arising from these relations are analyzed in detail. A significant part of this thesis focuses on the national positions of the selected countries regarding the European security.

European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), which creates security and defence dimension of the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union, is today one of the most dynamically developing European projects. During the ten years of its existence it has demonstrated its sense, vitality, the momentum of development, the ability to respond to current topics, issues and trends, created strong political and military structure and committed to develop its own military capabilities, established integrated strategy for security and defence and create framework for cooperation with NATO. ESDP was able to turn the initial theoretical considerations into political and military practice. EU has launched more than twenty military or civilian missions and gradually began to build a global position as a credible security actor. The entire decade of the ESDP, however, was not only about the venerable results. At the same time, it accompanied the unsuccessful efforts to find consensus among nearly three dozens of Member States, the lack of sufficient resources and skills to empower the real defence connected with military- technical dependence on NATO, the limited flexibility of the system of political decision-making and limits set by the actual nature of the European Union. The main objective of...

The thesis "Sweden and European Integration in the Field of Security" deals with the Swedish role in the military dimension of the EU"s Common Security Policy. The thesis applies the concept of "Integration Dilemma" that forms the basis of the theory of national integration policy formulated by Nikolaj Petersen. The thesis draws on Petersen"s premise that all states involved in integration sooner or later experience an integration dilemma constituted by difficult choices between preserving autonomy and exercising influence on other participants. According to Petersen the salience of the integration dilemma differs among states depending on their influence capability, stress sensitivity and degree of identification with ideological sources of integration. Petersen argues that to handle the dilemma, national governments will most likely use adaptive strategies typical for the "balancing policy" mode. Petersen also predicts that countries characterised by high stress sensitivity, limited influence capability and aloofness from the ethos of European integration will perceive the dilemma as highly salient. Petersen assumes that integration policies of those countries will also include strategies characteristic for the "acquiescent" or "quiescent" mode. Petersen"s hypotheses are tested in the analysis of...

Sweden is the only state in the Baltic Sea region currently not under NATO protection, which puts the state in a particularly vulnerable position. On 18 May 2022, Sweden officially deemed NATO alignment a more effective option of security strategy in projecting deterrence and dealing with the security challenges the state is facing, compared to a strategy of non-alignment which has been Sweden’s security posture for over 200 years. The aim of the thesis is to explain this shift in Sweden’s security policy.  The thesis will explain small states’ security policy beyond the traditional explanations found in realist theory of state-centric threat balancing and sovereignty. Shelter theory claims that small states’ options for security is either to find a protecting power or join an alliance in order to be politically and militarily sustainable. The thesis will analyse Sweden’s shift in security policy by examining shelter theory’s claim that in order for small states to survive and prosper, buffering up domestic capabilities does not suffice, they need to seek political and military shelter from external security providers by implementing bi- or multilateral agreements with neighbouring states, great powers and by joining alliances.  Analysing a long-time deviant case of a non-aligned small state, this thesis argues that Sweden’s drawn-out road-map to NATO membership is problematic to explain from the perspective of shelter theory. Consequently, the thesis makes the additional claim that factors related to Sweden’s domestic policy, such as public opinion and the nearly institutionalised practice of broad political consensus in issues relating to security policy, also play an important role for the design of Sweden’s security policy. Shelter theory in combination with domestic factors’ influence on security policy change offer a more fully fledged explanation of Sweden's shift in security policy to NATO alignment. This thesis argues that its findings complement and enhance shelter theory by shedding light on the importance of domestic factors in the study of small states’ security policy.

Topic of this diploma work is Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) - legal aspects. CFSP is one of policie sof EU based on intergovermental cooperation in foreign relations and defence policy which includes Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The second part of the diploma work describes history of CFSP from WW 2 to describing of Treaty on European Union (TEU). The third part of diploma work describe CFSP of EU in TEU from 90's to current wording. Main topics are instruments and institutions and voting procedure. Marginally I write something about Common Commercial Policy and Cooperation with Third States in the fourth part of diploma work. The last part of diploma work is about the CSDP and EU millitary and civil missions. The content of the work is about CFSP and related issues, therefore I write the basic information about CFSP below. CFSP (as Europian polical cooperation) was established in 70's in last century by member's states for cooperation in foreign policy. In 1992 CFSP was incorporated in TEU and built as authority of Union in second pillar. CFSP was novelised by Amsterdam Treaty and Nice Treaty and Lisbon Treaty as last novelisation. Today is cancelled the Three Pillar structure and CFSP is classified in other external action of EU. Treatment of external action is divided between...