<p>This paper aims to give a comprehensive view in which extent Swedish legislation concerning trafficking in human beings (Brottsbalken 4 kap. 1a §) is efficient. Qualitative interviews have been carried out with professionals within the judicial system in order to comprehend various aspects of efficiency relating to legislative validation of trafficking regarded human beings. Consent, coercion and control brings up miscellaneous issues. Personal observations by authorized people within the area was therefore viewed and found to be highly essential. In order to understand court reasoning in cases concerning human trafficking, various verdicts have been examined from the district court and the court of appeal. Theories of legal science have therefore been used. Results from this study shows that current legislation against trafficking in human beings is in some extent inefficient and that some adversity does appear while interpreting the concepts of consent, coercion and control. The study also implies that these are difficult to prove and that the collecting of evidence regarding this matter is complex and resource demanding. A social construction perspective and penal theories was found to be useful while analyzing and discussing the result.</p>

This paper aims to give a comprehensive view in which extent Swedish legislation concerning trafficking in human beings (Brottsbalken 4 kap. 1a §) is efficient. Qualitative interviews have been carried out with professionals within the judicial system in order to comprehend various aspects of efficiency relating to legislative validation of trafficking regarded human beings. Consent, coercion and control brings up miscellaneous issues. Personal observations by authorized people within the area was therefore viewed and found to be highly essential. In order to understand court reasoning in cases concerning human trafficking, various verdicts have been examined from the district court and the court of appeal. Theories of legal science have therefore been used. Results from this study shows that current legislation against trafficking in human beings is in some extent inefficient and that some adversity does appear while interpreting the concepts of consent, coercion and control. The study also implies that these are difficult to prove and that the collecting of evidence regarding this matter is complex and resource demanding. A social construction perspective and penal theories was found to be useful while analyzing and discussing the result.

One of the concerns of the current study is to analyse empirically and theoretically the economic and political causes of irregular migration to Italy in order to proceed with the critical estimation of the national, international and partly supranational migration policies. Since several theories will be applied during the study it will enable me to fully describe the phenomena of the irregular migration and modern enslavement of the irregular immigrants on Italian territory. I will disregard the fact that each theory is criticised on the grounds of being too concentrated on a few aspects of the phenomena and lacking the focus on all of its aspects due to the fact that the joint use of several theories provides a broader outlook. However, one crucial critique will be taken into closer consideration. Thus, the closer study of the phenomenon of modern slavery, strongly interconnected with the irregularity of migration, the duality of the Italian economy and the restrictive migration policies will bring together both the political and economic approaches to migration, whose split appears as the central critique for a great number of IR theories.12 In the normative part of the study I will focus on the critical analysis of the criminal status of the irregular immigrants assigned to them by the Italian migration policies and the Schengen Treaty of the EU in order to prove that instead of a criminal status, a victim status should be given to all immigrants, regardless of whether they were trafficked into Italian territory or crossed the border on their own free will. Additionally, in the normative part of the thesis I will compare and analyse scholars’ previous findings related to the possible amendments to the existing policies and propose my own conclusions and suggestions of how the laws, policies and governmental focuses “ought to be” changed.

Project (B.A.)--James Madison University, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.

Monticello, the plantation home of Thomas Jefferson, was also home to more than 100 African American slaves between 1771 and 1826. As many as 40 members of this community lived and worked on Mulberry Row, once a bustling avenue of residential and industrial activity adjacent to the Palladian mansion. Archaeological excavations in 1957 and 1982–-1983 uncovered the remains of Mulberry Row's nailery, where preteen and teenaged enslaved "“nail boys”" manufactured nails for internal use and sale. These excavations revealed surprisingly high amounts of domestic artifacts, particularly ceramics and glass, indicating the young nailers also may have lived inside the nailery. This study investigates whether the nail boys maintained some semblance of childhood through ongoing participation in their parents'’ households or fully took on the mantle of adulthood by forming a household of their own, independent of their parents, as expressed in the local production and consumption of household goods. This question is explored within the contexts of the archaeology of slavery, household archaeology, and the archaeology of children. The intersection of these three themes provides a richer and more realistic understanding of the boys'’ complex lives. In this study, artifact abundance indices and Pearson residuals are used to compare artifacts from the nailery to artifacts from industrial and dwelling sites across Monticello plantation. I hypothesized that if the nail boys were participating in food production and consumption, the abundance of refined and utilitarian ceramics and glass would be similar to or higher than the abundance of those artifacts in dwelling sites. If the abundance of the nailery artifacts was lower than those for dwelling sites and was therefore more similar to those for industrial sites, the nail boys probably did not participate in domestic activities. The indices and residuals reveal a high abundance of refined ceramics and glass in the nailery and a low abundance of utilitarian ceramics, which would have been needed to cook and store food. The data suggest the nail boys engaged in the consumption of food and associated artifacts but participated in little or no food production. It is likely that their age and gender prevented them from fully engaging in food production within the nailery. This project adds to the fledgling research into slave children, who have traditionally been ignored by childhood, slave, and household archaeologists.

In light of the phenomenon of mass incarceration in the United States, black women have become the fastest growing incarcerated population in the U.S. Given the fact that more than 75% of incarcerated woman are the primary caregiver for at least one child under the age of 18 the growing incarceration of black women results in the separation of many black mothers from their children. This assault on black motherhood is part of a historically persistent practice of subjugation, control, and maintenance over black women’s reproduction and bodies starting from slavery. This report will not only map this repressive trajectory into the present, but it will also focus on examining black motherhood through the lens of mass incarceration. Furthermore, this report will not only attempt to situate the enduring practice of black women’s subjugation within larger discourses around racism, sexism, oppression, state control, domination, and power but also within an understanding of manifestations of embodied blackness. / text

Not available / text

By the latter quarter of the eighteenth century, as the movement against the slave trade increased in Britain, Creoles, those of British ancestry born in the West Indies, were increasingly criticized for their involvement in slavery. Simon Taylor, a Jamaican-born planter of Scottish ancestry who lived most of his life in the colony, attempted to negotiate competing and often contradictory sensibilities and subject positions as both British and Creole. One of the central challenges to Taylor’s negotiation of identity was his long-term relationship with Grace Donne, a free mixed-race woman of colour. An examination of their relationship highlights the ways binary discourses and exclusionary practices devised to create and reinforce rigid racial boundaries were regularly crossed and blurred, even by an individual like Simon Taylor, a person well placed to benefit from the policing and maintenance of those boundaries.

The British Unitarians, a "sect everywhere spoken against" said Joseph Priestley, were a small, highly educated, financially respectable, politically aggressive and articulate denomination, which exerted an influence far beyond what their numbers ordinarily would command. They possessed an unbounded enthusiasm for reform and took part in almost every movement for social justice, one of which was particularly attractive to them the antislavery movement. Sadly, much of what they wrote and tried to accomplish has been ignored by scholars. This study is the story of their involvement in the thirty years war against the "master sin of the world" andndash; American slavery. In eight chapters, the thesis focuses on the antislavery writings opinions, and contributions of the British Unitarians, particularly a group of abolitionist stalwarts called Garrisonians. It also describes their racial views as revealed in their writings and in their conduct towards black people; and it describes their attitudes towards the American Civil War. The thesis is based on extensive manuscript, pamphlet, and periodical material, much of which has not been previously utilized in historical and religious monographs. The thesis makes several observations. The British Unitarians in their antislavery activity were devoted to the common welfare of the human race, to racial tolerance, and to participation in reform as an ecumenical endeavor. Their motivations for antislavery reform in particular, and reform in general, arose out of a liberal theology which sought to prove its moral superiority; a minority status and consciousness which sought acceptance; a strange and surprising evangelical warmth (typical of only some Unitarians and alien to the denomination as a body) that fired an emotive drive against social evils; a capitalist ideology that believed in a liberating progress; a political philosophy that favored freedom, honesty, and benevolence in government; a nationalism within an internationalism that proclaimed England's manifest destiny to be the protection and encouragement of human liberty at home and abroad; and a familial attachment to the members of their faith and reformers of their persuasion that was mutually supportive and rewarding. This study seeks to prove that the nineteenth century Unitarians are worthy of scholarly investigation and analysis, and suggests that the study of their motivation, commitment, vitality, and perseverance in the fight against American slavery can enhance our understanding of the role of religion in reform.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2008. / Vita. List of figures shows incorrect page numbers. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 670-720).