This thesis, by reviewing a human rights project implemented by the Association for Water and Rural Development (AWARD), a South African based non-governmental organization (NGO), seeks to address the ongoing discussion regarding the role of international human rights NGOs in promoting socio-economic rights, adding a local perspective to this debate. It argues that international human rights NGOs working on socio-economic rights issues need to evaluate their approaches to promoting socio-economic rights, including their methodologies and strategies, and to engage more substantively with local NGOs concentrating on these issues. Namely, this thesis reviews a recent article written by Kenneth Roth, the Executive Director of Human Rights Watch (HRW), expressing HRW's views on promoting socio-economic rights. In order to support its main arguments, this thesis, using AWARD's human rights project, introduces a clear conceptual framework for economic and social rights that focuses on the right to water, and considers various methodological approaches for promoting socio-economic rights.

Zugl.: Mannheim, Univ., Diss., 2007 / Originally presented as the author's thesis (doctoral)-- Univ. Mannheim, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 301-337).

Figure classique dans l’univers juridique, l’opposabilité a peu à peu gagné le champ des droits et libertés. Inscrit dans le discours du droit positif, le concept a par la suite suscité un engouement doctrinal, de sorte qu’il s’est trouvé enserré dans un magma hétérogène de discours juridiques générés par une pluralité d’acteurs. Une approche analytique et critique de ces discours a été déployée en vue d’une clarification et in fine d’une meilleure compréhension de la matière des droits et libertés. La recherche a permis de jeter de la lumière sur la confusion sémantique qui caractérise le concept. En tant que figure conceptuelle, l’opposabilité admet une variation de significations qui l’associent à des idées plurielles. En tant que qualificatif rapporté soit aux droits et libertés eux-mêmes, soit à des catégories doctrinales par référence auxquelles leurs effets sont appréhendés et pensés, l’opposabilité devient floue par l’ambiguïté des objets auxquels elle est associée. Mais la recherche a pu également expliquer le caractère opératoire de cette figure pour les différents acteurs qui la mobilisent. Au regard des acteurs du droit, cette utilité se comprend au regard des difficultés que suscite l’appréhension des évolutions de la matière. Son caractère opératoire a pu être spécialement mis en exergue par rapport aux interactions entre ces acteurs et les stratégies de chacun pour la transformation du droit en vigueur. Au regard de la science du droit, sa valeur instrumentale a été relativisée vis-à-vis d’autres instruments conceptuels par la démonstration des vertus de la garantie d’une économie conceptuelle. / Classic figure in the legal world, opposability has gradually gained the field of rights and liberties. Inscribed in the discourse of positive law, it had been placed in a heterogeneous magma legal discourse generated by a plurality of actors. An analytical and critical approach of these speeches was deployed for a clarification and, ultimately, a better understanding of the subject of rights and liberties. The research has clarified the semantic confusion that characterizes the word. As a conceptual figure, opposability experiences variations of meanings that associate it with a plural ideas. As qualifying adjective reported from the rights and liberties ilselves, either doctrinal categories by reference to which their effects are apprehended and thought, opposability becomes blurred by the ambiguity of the objects to which it is associated. But research has also been able to explain the operational nature of this figure for the different actors who mobilize. In view of actors law, this utility is understood in relation to difficulties arising from the apprehension of developments in the matter. Its operational nature has been especially highlighted in relation to interactions between these actors and strategies for each of the transformation of the law. In view of the science of law, its instrumental value was relativized vis-à-vis other conceptual tools by demonstrating the virtues of the guarantee of a conceptual economy.

This thesis is a study of EU migrant citizens' substantive social rights. Much research has concerned itself with the expansion of freedom of movement and cross-border social rights in the EU. However, most of this research has analysed only formal rights, overlooking substantive rights. In the multilevel setting that is the EU, social rights are being adjudicated at a supra-national level, but realised at the national and sub-national level. Numerous different regulations, actors and practices thus shape the substantive social rights of EU migrant citizens, making their rights especially prone to distortion in the process of practical implementation. Examining how formal rights translate into substantive ones is important to understand how and where the lines of exclusion and inclusion of European social citizenship are drawn. Specifically, the thesis looks as how formal social rights translate into substantive rights with a focus on the local level. This is where any pressures from internal EU-migration on social provision are felt, where gaps in the social protection of EU migrant citizens make themselves evident, and where many social rights are exercised. The central research question of the thesis is thus: how are EU migrant citizens' social rights governed at the local level? The thesis adopts a qualitative and explorative method. More specifically, it examines barriers that EU migrant citizens face when trying to access social benefits and services. The study also takes a comparative approach, and contrasts localities across two member states that can be seen as critical cases: Germany and Sweden. In two cities in each country (Berlin and Hamburg, Gothenburg and Stockholm), interviews were conducted with local public administrators, welfare providers and advocacy organisations. The interviews were later related to relevant policy documents in a thematic analysis guided by the overarching research question. The main contribution of the thesis lies in identifying certain direct and indirect factors that shape EU migrant citizens' access to social benefits and services - and thus their substantive social rights. Specifically, the thesis argues that (1) certain structures of welfare systems (which become evident through a bottom-up study of supra-national social rights), and (2) the entrepreneurship of local actors, are crucial to understanding how formal rights of EU migrant citizens translate into substantive ones.

No description available.

O presente estudo tem por objeto lançar uma perspectiva teleológica sobre os direitos sociais, concebidos como expressão do bem comum, valor informador que conduz a interpretação desses direitos à real consecução de suas finalidades sociais. Tendo por meta a análise da estrutura funcional dos direitos sociais em comparação com a eminentemente distinta dos direitos de liberdade, são apresentados os conceitos de dignidade da pessoa humana e de bem comum como fundamentos ontológico e teleológico do Estado Democrático de Direito nacional. Fixadas essas premissas, parte-se para a análise da questão envolvendo a eficácia dos direitos sociais como direitos da democracia e do direito conciliados e em equilíbrio, exigindo, para sua concretização na realidade social, o respeito dos atores constitucionais pelos papéis que cada um desempenha na realização desses direitos. Neste ponto, é conferido especial destaque ao nível da deliberação política, em virtude de sua quase asfixia, pelo direito, na realidade brasileira contemporânea dos direitos sociais. Como questão atinente à eficácia, é questionada a subsunção dos direitos sociais à fórmula tradicional dos direitos subjetivos, por incompatível com sua própria natureza e estrutura funcional, desembocando na análise crítica da chamada “judicialização” dos direitos sociais, enfocando o papel do Judiciário nesta concretização. Partindo-se das premissas assim estabelecidas, lança-se um olhar em direção ao direito social à saúde, em particular à tormentosa questão envolvendo o fornecimento de medicamentos pelos entes públicos e à intervenção judicial nesta seara, propondo-se a fixação de alguns parâmetros racionais hábeis a disciplinar a difícil convivência entre a satisfação do auto-interesse e os critérios de justiça social e de bem comum que informam a dispensação de fármacos pela Administração. / The present paper aims at looking into the social rights through a teleological perspective, conceived as expression of common good, informative value that takes to the interpreting of such rights to the actual fulfillment of their social purposes. Comparing the analysis of the functional structure of the social rights with the eminently distinct of the freedom rights, the concepts of human dignity of the individual and the common good as being the ontological and teleological fundaments of the national Democratic Constitutional State. Once established those premises, we embrace the analysis of the issue regarding the efficacy of the social rights as rights of the democracy and of the law, both intertwined and in balance, thus demanding, in order to come true in the social reality, the respect of the constitutional players and of the roles they have in the fulfillment of these such rights. At this point, we highlight the level of the political deliberation, due to its near asphyxia, by the law, in the current Brazilian social rights scenario. Concerning efficacy, we question the subsuming of the social rights against the traditional formula of the subjective rights, for being incompatible with its own nature and functional structure, resulting in the critical analysis of the so-called “judicialization” of the social rights, focusing on the role of the Judiciary in such accomplishment. Starting with the established premises, we look into the social right to health, specially regarding the treacherous issue that deals with the supplying of medication by public institutions and the judicial intervention in this field, proposing the establishment of some rational parameters, which would discipline the difficult interaction between the satisfaction of self-interest and the criteria of social justice and common good that inform the distribution of pharmacological drugs by the Administration.

This paper explores some of the main contributions developed bylegal theory in favour of social rights enforcement. The first part is devotedto the concept of subjective right and particularly to the conceptions due toRobert Alexy and Luigi Ferrajoli. The second part includes the analysis ofthe relationship between social rights and the principle of equality. Specialattention will be given to Luis Prieto’s theory. Finally, both post-positivisticand neo-constitutionalistic theories of Law will be evaluated in terms of theirdegree of recognition and defence of social rights. / En este trabajo se exponen algunas de las principales contribuciones de la teoría del Derecho a la exigibilidad de los derechos sociales. La primera parte está dedicada al concepto de derecho subjetivo y especialmente a las propuestas de Robert Alexy y Luigi Ferrajoli. En la segunda parte, se analiza la relación de los derechos sociales con el principio de igualdad y, más concretamente, la propuesta de Luis Prieto. Finalmente, se exploran las posibilidades que tanto la teoría pospositivista del Derecho como la neoconstitucionalista ofrecen para un mayor grado de reconocimiento y eficacia de los derechos sociales.

This paper looks into the role of cooperativism as set out in the 1988 Constitution. It addresses it as a tool to attain fundamental social rights. These fundamental social rights are socially quite ineffective, in spite of being actual fundamental rights and of therefore enjoying immediate and direct applicability, in accordance with provisions of Paragraph 2 of Article V of the 1988 Constitution. It suffices to take notice of the rift between constitutionally granted social rights and the Brazilian reality. Individual as well as class action lawsuits are commonly filed to demand the enforcement of one particular social right. However, serious doubts have been raised as to the role of the judicial branch in view of its alleged illegitimacy and lack of technical competence when it comes to the making of public policy. Moreover, inaction on the part of the Executive and Legislative Branches as well as legal roadblocks to court rulings call for an alternative way to implement fundamental social rights. Article 174, Paragraph 2 of the 1988 Constitution states that the law shall support and foster Cooperativism. It is found in the chapter that addresses the economic framework, which itself subscribes to balanced national development. Accordingly, one can reach the conclusion that Cooperativism furthers such development. The reason thereof is the fact that its practical application will always bring, either directly or indirectly, at least one social right to bear. It can thus be said that Cooperativism works as a valuable socio-economic instrument towards attaining social justice, bringing fundamental social rights into being, improving quality of life for the population, and helping to meet the fundamental goals of the Brazilian Republic. / Este trabalho analisa o papel do Cooperativismo na Constituição de 1988. Tratao como instrumento de concretização de direitos fundamentais sociais. Os direitos fundamentais sociais, a despeito de serem efetivos direitos fundamentais e, portanto gozarem de aplicabilidade direta e imediata, nos termos do § 2º do Art. 5º da Constituição de 1988, dispõem de eficácia social bastante reduzida. Basta verificar o distanciamento entre os direitos sociais outorgados constitucionalmente e a realidade brasileira. Diante disso, é comum seus titulares ajuizarem ações, tanto individuais quanto coletivas, reclamando ao Poder Judiciário a efetivação de algum direito social. Entretanto, a atuação do Judiciário nessa seara é seriamente questionada com base em uma suposta falta de legitimidade e na sua incompetência técnica para elaborar políticas públicas. Assim, tendo em vista a inação dos Poderes Executivo e Legislativo e os entraves postos à atuação do Judiciário, é preciso encontrar uma alternativa para concretizar os direitos fundamentais sociais. O art. 174, § 2º da Constituição de 1988 assevera que a lei apoiará e estimulará o Cooperativismo. Esse dispositivo está no capítulo destinado à ordem econômica, que é comprometida com o desenvolvimento nacional equilibrado. Dessa maneira, se conclui que o Cooperativismo auxiliará nesse desenvolvimento. O motivo para tanto é o fato de que sua aplicação prática resultará sempre na concretização, direta ou indiretamente, de pelo menos um direito social. Assim, é possível dizer que o Cooperativismo funciona como um instrumento sócioeconômico valioso na busca da justiça social, concretizando direitos fundamentais sociais, melhorando a qualidade de vida da população e auxiliando na busca pelos objetivos fundamentais da República brasileira.

Domestic work is an area of labor which is mainly occupied by women, most of them black or of mixed race, migrant and poor. Those characteristics lead to a view of domestic work as a non-professional activity and thus to discrimination by societies and governments throughout the world. Considering the International Law, human rights at work apply to the domestic workers as well as to other workers. ILO recognizes that expressly. However it is a fact that States throughout the world keep depriving domestic workers of several rights at work by editing discriminatory laws or even by refusing to protect them under the national labor laws. In that sense, domestic work is being apart from decent work, as pursued by ILO. Faced with discriminatory practices by too many States, International Labor Conference 2011 adopted the Convention n. 189 and Recommendation 201 in order to specifically protect the rights of domestic workers. By those instruments ILO expressly recognizes that all its Conventions, as well as the Human Rights Treaties also apply to that specific group or workers. Therefore, Brazil initiates a changing in the Constitution by amendment, altering the sole paragraph of article 7, which addresses the social the social rights at work for domestic workers. By modifying that article the Constitution expressly recognizes most of the social rights at work to the domestic workers. This achievement was obtained with the political participation of women domestic workers whose fighting spirit and determination towards the recognition of rights precedes the Constitution of 1988. However, Brazil, up to this date (July 2014), has not stated the internal procedure towards the ratification of ILO’s Convention n. 189 yet, without which the use of monitoring mechanisms as well as the international accountability of the country are hindered. / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O trabalho doméstico é um setor do trabalho ocupado principalmente por mulheres, na maioria negra ou mestiça, migrante e pobre. Essas características contribuem para que não seja respeitado como uma atividade profissional e, por conseguinte, para que seja discriminado pela sociedade e pelos governos dos diversos países no mundo. No âmbito do Direito Internacional, as normas de direitos humanos no trabalho se aplicam tanto às trabalhadoras domésticas como a qualquer outro trabalhador. Isso é reconhecido pela OIT. No entanto, verificou-se que os Estados nacionais as privavam de determinados direitos humanos no trabalho, editando normas expressamente discriminatórias ou mesmo sequer tutelando as trabalhadoras domésticas nas normas trabalhistas. Nesse sentido, o trabalho doméstico se distancia do trabalho decente segundo os objetivos propugnados pela OIT. Diante das constatações de políticas discriminatórias por parte dos Estados, em 2011, a Conferênci Internacional do Trabalho adotou a Convenção n. 189 e a Recomendação n. 201, especificamente tutelando os direitos das trabalhadoras e trabalhadores domésticos, e reconhecendo expressamente que todas as demais convenções, bem como os tratados de direitos humanos se aplicam também a tais trabalhadoras e trabalhadores. O Brasil, em consequência, promoveu modificação na sua Constituição, alterando o parágrafo único do artigo 7º, que trata dos direitos sociais no trabalho, para reconhecer diversos direitos às empregadas domésticas, tentando igualá-las aos demais trabalhadores. Essa conquista teve a participação política das mulheres trabalhadoras domésticas, cuja luta e determinação em busca do reconhecimento de direitos antecede mesmo a Constituição de 1988. Mas o Brasil até esta data (julho de 2014) ainda não deu início ao procedimento para ratificação da Convenção n. 189 da OIT, sem a qual a utilização do mecanismo de monitoramento da OIT e sua responsabilização na seara internacional, quanto ao cumprimento das normas dessa Convenção, ficam obstaculizadas.

O presente estudo tem por objeto lançar uma perspectiva teleológica sobre os direitos sociais, concebidos como expressão do bem comum, valor informador que conduz a interpretação desses direitos à real consecução de suas finalidades sociais. Tendo por meta a análise da estrutura funcional dos direitos sociais em comparação com a eminentemente distinta dos direitos de liberdade, são apresentados os conceitos de dignidade da pessoa humana e de bem comum como fundamentos ontológico e teleológico do Estado Democrático de Direito nacional. Fixadas essas premissas, parte-se para a análise da questão envolvendo a eficácia dos direitos sociais como direitos da democracia e do direito conciliados e em equilíbrio, exigindo, para sua concretização na realidade social, o respeito dos atores constitucionais pelos papéis que cada um desempenha na realização desses direitos. Neste ponto, é conferido especial destaque ao nível da deliberação política, em virtude de sua quase asfixia, pelo direito, na realidade brasileira contemporânea dos direitos sociais. Como questão atinente à eficácia, é questionada a subsunção dos direitos sociais à fórmula tradicional dos direitos subjetivos, por incompatível com sua própria natureza e estrutura funcional, desembocando na análise crítica da chamada “judicialização” dos direitos sociais, enfocando o papel do Judiciário nesta concretização. Partindo-se das premissas assim estabelecidas, lança-se um olhar em direção ao direito social à saúde, em particular à tormentosa questão envolvendo o fornecimento de medicamentos pelos entes públicos e à intervenção judicial nesta seara, propondo-se a fixação de alguns parâmetros racionais hábeis a disciplinar a difícil convivência entre a satisfação do auto-interesse e os critérios de justiça social e de bem comum que informam a dispensação de fármacos pela Administração. / The present paper aims at looking into the social rights through a teleological perspective, conceived as expression of common good, informative value that takes to the interpreting of such rights to the actual fulfillment of their social purposes. Comparing the analysis of the functional structure of the social rights with the eminently distinct of the freedom rights, the concepts of human dignity of the individual and the common good as being the ontological and teleological fundaments of the national Democratic Constitutional State. Once established those premises, we embrace the analysis of the issue regarding the efficacy of the social rights as rights of the democracy and of the law, both intertwined and in balance, thus demanding, in order to come true in the social reality, the respect of the constitutional players and of the roles they have in the fulfillment of these such rights. At this point, we highlight the level of the political deliberation, due to its near asphyxia, by the law, in the current Brazilian social rights scenario. Concerning efficacy, we question the subsuming of the social rights against the traditional formula of the subjective rights, for being incompatible with its own nature and functional structure, resulting in the critical analysis of the so-called “judicialization” of the social rights, focusing on the role of the Judiciary in such accomplishment. Starting with the established premises, we look into the social right to health, specially regarding the treacherous issue that deals with the supplying of medication by public institutions and the judicial intervention in this field, proposing the establishment of some rational parameters, which would discipline the difficult interaction between the satisfaction of self-interest and the criteria of social justice and common good that inform the distribution of pharmacological drugs by the Administration.