O presente estudo se propõe a desvelar o espaço legítimo de controle de políticas públicas destinadas à concretização de direitos fundamentais pelo Poder Judiciário. Para tanto, inicialmente é apresentada uma teoria das políticas públicas, que compreende a busca de um conceito para a categoria e a apresentação de suas características e elementos mais relevantes. O estudo não prescinde da análise da teoria dos direitos fundamentais, em especial das questões atinentes à eficácia dos direitos ditos prestacionais, e também da chamada análise institucional, um campo de estudos recentemente reavivado nos Estados Unidos. Na segunda parte do trabalho, de natureza marcadamente propositiva, as políticas públicas são divididas segundo a sua natureza, e em seguida sugeridos diferentes níveis de controle jurídico. Para as políticas ligadas ao mínimo existencial, sustenta-se o controle por meio dos princípios da proibição da proteção insuficiente e vedação do retrocesso. Para as demais políticas públicas, o controle é analisado sob o prisma dos princípios da isonomia, eficiência e transparência. Após o estudo de questões incidentais, o trabalho segue para as modalidades de controle de políticas públicas, distinguindo-se entre o controle forte, em que a discricionariedade dos órgãos políticos é reduzida a zero, e o controle fraco, onde o Poder Judiciário apenas comprime o espaço de liberdade decisória. / This paper aims to reveal the legitimate space given to the Judiciary to materialize public policies. Therefore, it is initially presented a theory of public policy, which includes the search for a concept for the category and the presentation of its features and its most relevant elements. The study does not obviate the analysis of the theory of fundamental rights, especially issues concerning the effectiveness of the so-called positive rights, and also the designated institutional analysis, a field of study recently brought to life in the United States. In the second part of the text, which has a distinctly purposeful feature, public policies are divided according to their nature, and then it is suggested different levels of legal control. For policies related to the minimum existential claims, we defend a control through the principles of the prohibition of insufficient protection and impediment of the fundamental rights retrocession. For other public policies, the control is analyzed under the influence of the principles of equality, efficiency and transparency. After the analysis of incidental issues, the paper leans to the study of the procedures for control of public policies, distinguishing between strong control, where the leeway of the political bodies is reduced to zero, and poor control, where the Judiciary only compresses the area of decision-making freedom.

O presente estudo se propõe a desvelar o espaço legítimo de controle de políticas públicas destinadas à concretização de direitos fundamentais pelo Poder Judiciário. Para tanto, inicialmente é apresentada uma teoria das políticas públicas, que compreende a busca de um conceito para a categoria e a apresentação de suas características e elementos mais relevantes. O estudo não prescinde da análise da teoria dos direitos fundamentais, em especial das questões atinentes à eficácia dos direitos ditos prestacionais, e também da chamada análise institucional, um campo de estudos recentemente reavivado nos Estados Unidos. Na segunda parte do trabalho, de natureza marcadamente propositiva, as políticas públicas são divididas segundo a sua natureza, e em seguida sugeridos diferentes níveis de controle jurídico. Para as políticas ligadas ao mínimo existencial, sustenta-se o controle por meio dos princípios da proibição da proteção insuficiente e vedação do retrocesso. Para as demais políticas públicas, o controle é analisado sob o prisma dos princípios da isonomia, eficiência e transparência. Após o estudo de questões incidentais, o trabalho segue para as modalidades de controle de políticas públicas, distinguindo-se entre o controle forte, em que a discricionariedade dos órgãos políticos é reduzida a zero, e o controle fraco, onde o Poder Judiciário apenas comprime o espaço de liberdade decisória. / This paper aims to reveal the legitimate space given to the Judiciary to materialize public policies. Therefore, it is initially presented a theory of public policy, which includes the search for a concept for the category and the presentation of its features and its most relevant elements. The study does not obviate the analysis of the theory of fundamental rights, especially issues concerning the effectiveness of the so-called positive rights, and also the designated institutional analysis, a field of study recently brought to life in the United States. In the second part of the text, which has a distinctly purposeful feature, public policies are divided according to their nature, and then it is suggested different levels of legal control. For policies related to the minimum existential claims, we defend a control through the principles of the prohibition of insufficient protection and impediment of the fundamental rights retrocession. For other public policies, the control is analyzed under the influence of the principles of equality, efficiency and transparency. After the analysis of incidental issues, the paper leans to the study of the procedures for control of public policies, distinguishing between strong control, where the leeway of the political bodies is reduced to zero, and poor control, where the Judiciary only compresses the area of decision-making freedom.

This work critically examines the justiciability of the Sudan model of constitutionalising socio-economic rights (SER) and the legal implications of this model. Discusses the following questions: (1) What is the scope and extent of the Sudan Bill of Rights? (2) What is the effect of section 27(3) on section 22 of the Sudan Interim National Constitution? (3) Does the Constitution provide for justiciable SER, if yes, can the South African model of rendering SER justiciable and their standard of review provide a useful guide to the Sudan? / Mini Dissertation (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Professor Julia Sloth-Nielsen of the Community Law Centre, University of the Western Cape / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando de Almeida Prado Sampaio.pdf: 681628 bytes, checksum: 77d5273eea33cc70cdfc96063e83de58 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-17 / The objective of this study is to analyze the problem of the effectiveness (or ineffectiveness) of economic and social rights in Brazil considering the legal understanding of our Courts. The work is divided into five chapters, the second being related to the emergence and historical development of economic and social rights; the third showing the search for effectiveness and possible legalization of same (especially by CESCR); the fourth showing the possibility of legalization in Brazil, as well as operational problems and interpretative nature of this possibility and, by last, a concluding fifth chapter / O objetivo deste estudo é analisar o problema da efetividade (ou falta de efetividade) de direitos econômicos e sociais no Brasil à luz do entendimento jurisprudencial de nossos Tribunais. O trabalho é dividido em cinco capítulos, sendo o segundo referente ao surgimento e à evolução histórica dos direitos econômicos e sociais; o terceiro demonstra a busca de efetividade e possibilidade de judicialização dos mesmos (especialmente pelo Comitê DESC); o quarto mostra a possibilidade de judicialização no Brasil, bem como os problemas de natureza operacional e interpretativa dessa possibilidade e, por fim, o quinto capítulo, a conclusão

In April 2005, a group of women gathered for a human rights workshop at a Toronto drop-in centre for women experiencing homelessness, poverty, and isolation. One year later, the group sent a representative to address the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. This dissertation describes and analyzes the feminist participatory action research-intervention project that began with the workshop and led to the United Nations. Over the course of 15 months, more than 50 participants attended weekly meetings at the drop-in. They learned about social and economic rights, testified about their experiences of human rights violations, and planned and undertook actions to respond to and resist homelessness. This thesis draws upon observations of meetings, documents produced by the group, and interviews with thirteen of the participants, in order to examine the project from a number of angles. First, the project suggests a new understanding of women’s homelessness: testimonies and interviews reveal that homelessness is not only a material state, but more importantly a social process of disenfranchisement enacted through relations of harm, threat, control, surveillance, precarity and dehumanization. Understanding homelessness as a social process enables an analysis of its operations within and for a dominant social and economic order structured by colonization and neoliberal globalization. Secondly, the thesis takes up participants’ assessments of the project’s political effectiveness and its impacts on their well-being and empowerment, and reads these against the researcher’s experiences with the project, in order to explore how feminist participatory methodologies can contribute to resistance. Finally, the thesis concludes with recommendations for theory, research, service provision, and human rights advocacy on women’s homelessness.

In April 2005, a group of women gathered for a human rights workshop at a Toronto drop-in centre for women experiencing homelessness, poverty, and isolation. One year later, the group sent a representative to address the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. This dissertation describes and analyzes the feminist participatory action research-intervention project that began with the workshop and led to the United Nations. Over the course of 15 months, more than 50 participants attended weekly meetings at the drop-in. They learned about social and economic rights, testified about their experiences of human rights violations, and planned and undertook actions to respond to and resist homelessness. This thesis draws upon observations of meetings, documents produced by the group, and interviews with thirteen of the participants, in order to examine the project from a number of angles. First, the project suggests a new understanding of women’s homelessness: testimonies and interviews reveal that homelessness is not only a material state, but more importantly a social process of disenfranchisement enacted through relations of harm, threat, control, surveillance, precarity and dehumanization. Understanding homelessness as a social process enables an analysis of its operations within and for a dominant social and economic order structured by colonization and neoliberal globalization. Secondly, the thesis takes up participants’ assessments of the project’s political effectiveness and its impacts on their well-being and empowerment, and reads these against the researcher’s experiences with the project, in order to explore how feminist participatory methodologies can contribute to resistance. Finally, the thesis concludes with recommendations for theory, research, service provision, and human rights advocacy on women’s homelessness.

"It is submitted that South Africa presents the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Commission) and the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Court) with inspiration to draw from on how social-economic rights can be protected. Issues of locus, defining the state's obligations, effective remedies and their enforcement can be drawn from. However, it is impossible to transpose a domestic system directly into the regional system. It is also submitted that South Africa's Constitution and jurisprudence is not without criticisms as assessed against the backdrop of international human rights law. In this respect the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (the Committee) offers immense inspiration. Through its practice of giving normative content to the rights in the ICESCR the Committee has given extensive definition to some of the rights in the ICESCR and the obligations that attach to them. The obligation of the states to take steps to the maximum of the available resources to achieve progressively the full realisation of the rights in the Covenant has been the subject of extensive elaboration by the Committee. In addition to this the Committee has read into the ICESCR a very important concept, the principle of 'core minimum obligations'. This concept sets the benchmark in determining whether the state has discharged it obligations at the minimum level. The Commission and Court should take advantage of the provisions of the Charter which allow for inspiration from other instruments. The Charter obliges the Commission and the Court to draw inspiration from international law and human and peoples' rights, including the UDHR and other instruments adopted by the United Nations and African countries in the area of human rights. This is in addition to taking into consideration other instruments laying down rules expressly recognized by the states. This paper sets out to show that the African system can draw inspiration from South Africa and the Committee in order to surmount the challenges affecting the realisation of the rights. The paper is divided into five parts. The first part outlines the normative framework of protection of economic, social and cultural rights within the ICESCR, the African Charter and South African Constitution. The second part explores the challenges hampering the effective realisation of these rights followed by an analysis of the African Court and the lessons it may draw not only from the Committee and South Africa's Constitution but from the African Commission as well. The fourth part looks at the forth-coming African Court and its challenges, pointing to aspects on which it may seek inspiration. This will be followed by a conclusion and recommendations." -- Introduction. / Prepared under the supervision of Professor Sandra Liebenberg at the Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape, South Africa / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

"The thesis of this study is that the flexibility within the exceptions to patent rights protecton under the TRIPS Agreement has not sufficiently been exploited at the national level. The study conceptualises the regimes for the protection of the right to health and IPRs not as mutually exclusive but as potentially reinforcing. The contention is therefore that the obligations in respect to the right to health limit the manner in which states can exercise the flexibilty within the patent regime of the TRIPS Agreement. Eventually the study seeks to answer the question: Where does the guarantee for the right to health lie in light of the TRIPS regime? ... The study is divided into three chapters preceded by an introduction. The introduction lays the background for te discussion. Chapter one deals with the definition of important concepts and provides the context in which the study is set. The chapter also discusses the background to the creation of the TRIPS Agreement, with an emphatic discussion on the involvement or lack thereof of Africn and other least developed and developing countries in this process. Chapter two discusses the patent rights exceptions clause under the TRIPS Agreement. Against this background, compuslory licensing, government use and parallel importing as means of making accessibility to drugs a reality under the TRIPS Agreement will be discussed. Chapter three identifies other means of making drugs more accessible and identifying places where they have worked well. In this chapter, generic substitution, establishemnt of a pricing committee, therapeutic value pricing, pooled procurement, negotiated procurement and planned donations will be discussed. Finally a conclusion will be drawn from the discussion and recommendations will be advanced." -- Chapter 1. / Prepared under the supervision of Riekie Wandrag at the Community Law Centre, University of Western Cape, South Africa / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2002. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

L’arbitrage international d’investissement se voit de plus en plus confronté à des enjeux originellement hermétiques à l’arbitrage : la protection des droits de l’homme. En effet, le développement d’investissements ayant le monopole de certains services publics offense parfois les droits économiques et sociaux des populations des États hôtes. Si ces mêmes États tentent d’adopter des réglementations protectrices de ces droits, ils se voient opposer l’arbitrage d’investissement pour violations d’un traité bilatéral d’investissement. La jurisprudence en la matière est en pleine évolution, mais son étude permet de souligner d’importants problèmes de sécurité juridique dans les sentences arbitrales, ne permettant pas de garantir ces droits fondamentaux. L’accumulation de ces deux problématiques soulève alors la question de la protection de l’état de droit par l’arbitrage d’investissement, mettant à mal la légitimité de ce mécanisme alternatif de règlement des différends. / Initially outside of its scope of application, international investment arbitration is increasingly facing human rightsprotection issues. The development of investments dealing with public services has led to violations of socio-economic rights for host States’ populations. When States tried to adopt regulations toprotect those rights, they were brought to arbitration for breaching their Bilateral Investment Treaty obligations. The human rights case law in investment arbitration is developing and quickly evolving. Nevertheless, its analysis enables to highlight important legal certainty issues, rendering difficult the protection of economic, social,and cultural rights. Facing this, the legitimacy of the system is disputed and the protection of the rule of law by international investment arbitration is seriously challenged.

Les négociations internationales concernant la protection des indications géographiques connaissent, depuis près de deux décennies, un blocage au sein de l’Organisation Mondiale du Commerce opposant des pays défenseurs des indications géographiques, à des pays plus sceptiques. Résultant d’un compromis entre l’approche des pays de l’Union Européenne et celle des Etats-Unis, les standards minimum de protection des indications géographiques de l’ADPIC ont mis en lumière la diversité des approches juridiques en la matière et fait émerger un débat quasi-passionnel sur les moyens appropriés que l’Etat doit mettre en œuvre pour protéger les noms géographiques. L’histoire renseigne sur le fait que le plaidoyer pour ou le réquisitoire contre l’un ou l’autre camp ont toujours tourné autour des philosophies de la protection des indications géographiques : d’une part, les pays défenseurs des indications géographiques prônent à travers leur mise en œuvre, la protection d’industries plus vulnérables à la concurrence ; d’autre part, les pays sceptiques privilégient le plus possible, la liberté du commerce et de l’industrie et par ricochet, la libre exploitation des signes. Pour ces derniers, seule la reconnaissance par le consommateur d’une association qualité-origine du produit justifie une réservation du nom. Le régime multilatéral des IG issu de l’Accord sur les aspects de la propriété intellectuelle qui touchent au commerce résulte donc d’un compromis entre ces deux philosophies de la protection. D’aucuns ont souligné le caractère insatisfaisant d’un tel compromis qui ne rend pas nécessairement compte de la nature réelle de ces signes géographiques. Ce travail tente de le transcender. Il est fondé sur le pari que, dans une perspective juridique, tout n’a peut-être pas été essayé. Dans un effort pour trouver un dénominateur commun et pour proposer une solution à l’impasse actuelle, cette recherche repose sur le rapprochement du régime de protection des indications géographiques, au régime de protection des droits de l’Homme. Non pas dans une perspective moralisatrice mais bien dans un effort pour déduire des solutions concrètes quant à la portée de la protection internationale des IG et du rôle des Etats dans la mise en œuvre de ces outils de propriété intellectuelle. L’article 15.1 c) du Pacte sur les droits économiques, sociaux et culturels prévoit : « Chacun a droit à la protection de ses intérêts moraux et matériels découlant de toute production scientifique, littéraire ou artistique dont il est l’auteur ». L’activation de cet article pourrait permettre de voir en les détenteurs d’IG non pas seulement les sujets bénéficiaires de la protection mais les sujets destinataires de politiques publiques. Il y aurait un donc un « droit de » bénéficier d’une certaine protection des IG et un « droit à » certaines prestations publiques. Au-delà de ce cadre en apparence rigide, le recours au droit international des droits de l’Homme rend la recherche d’un équilibre entre les droits de détenteurs IG et les droits du public plus intégratrice d’enjeux multiples et indispensable à la légitimité du régime multilatéral de protection des IG. / Since two decades, the international protection of geographical indications is characterized by a “blockage” in the negotiations at the World Trade Organization opposing the countries favorable to the protection of geographical indications to countries more skeptical in this regard. Deriving from a compromise between the European conception of the protection of GIs and the American one, the minimum standards of TRIPS have revealed the different legal options in this field and have resulted in a passionate debate over the appropriate role of the State. History shows that the advocacy for, or indictment against one or the other way of protecting GIs focuses essentially on the philosophy of protection in one or the other territories. As a reminder, the European Union “culture” is to protect industries far too exposed to competition while the American “culture” is to preserve economic freedom of operators and to grant monopoly on a geographical name only where such name has been tested on the market and is recognized by the “public” as having a geographical anchorage. Equally compelling, neither of these philosophies has allowed reaching the most acceptable balance for GI regime. This work seeks to transcend them. It bets that everything has not been tried yet, at least from a legal perspective. In order to find a common solution and a way forward to multilateral protection of geographical indications, the paper relies on the culture of “human rights”, not really with a view to “moralize” the field of study but more to deduct practical answers deriving from the international human rights law. As a matter of fact, article 15.1 c) of the Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights provides that “The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone […] to benefit from the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author”. The activation of this article could allow approaching geographical indications operators, not only as beneficiaries of certain rights but also as beneficiaries of public policies. By virtue of article 15.1 c), there shall be a right to benefit from the GI protection (“right-liberty”) but also, a right to claim certain public policies (“right-debt”) in this regard. Beyond this seemingly strict framework for GIs, the reference to international human rights law proves to beneficial to the necessary balance between the rights of GI operators and the rights of the public. Incidentally, this balance is inclusive of multiple issues which is essential to the legitimacy of the multilateral regime of protection of GIs.