Orientadores: Fernando Antonio Lourenço, Arsenio Oswaldo Seva Filho / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T15:49:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nobrega_RenatadaSilva_M.pdf: 2382101 bytes, checksum: 5537266108dfa0d52a6065dd79aa75bd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: A dissertação trata da luta dos Arara (Karo) e dos Gavião (Ikólóéhj) contra os projetos hidrelétricos do Rio Machado, em Rondônia. Esta mobilização foi iniciada nos anos 80 contra o projeto da Usina Ji-Paraná, suspenso em 1993, e permanece até os dias atuais, com a retomada do projeto da Usina Tabajara. Frente às estratégias da ELETRONORTE para a viabilização destes projetos hidrelétricos, baseadas no mascaramento do seu potencial de destruição e no silenciamento da mobilização popular contrária às barragens, os Arara e os Gavião têm se empenhado em denunciar esta tentativa de expropriação de seu território e de violação de seus direitos. A mobilização indígena tem implicações políticas que extravasam a luta anti-barragem e se configura em uma ¿política cultural¿, tal como proposto por Alvarez, Dagnino e Escobar (2000), na medida em que os Arara e os Gavião contestam as noções dominantes de acerca do ¿desenvolvimento¿ e da ¿natureza¿ implicadas nos projetos hidrelétricos do Rio Machado e reivindicam para si uma condição de igualdade perante os brancos. Para estes povos indígenas, a luta anti-barragem tem se constituído em um espaço privilegiado de exposição de suas demandas e de questionamento da condição subalterna atribuída a eles pelos brancos, se configurando em luta por reconhecimento e autonomia, na qual o território é parte fundamental / Abstract: The dissertation deals with the struggle of Arara (Karo) and the Gavião (Ikólóéhj) indigenous people against hydroelectric projects of Machado¿s River, in Rondônia, Brazil. This mobilization was initiated in the 80¿s against the project of Usina Ji-Paraná, suspended in 1993, and remains until the present day, with the resumption of the project of Usina Tabajara. Front to ELETRONORTE strategies for enabling these hydroelectric projects, based on the masking of its potential for destruction and the silencing of the popular mobilization against the dams¿ projects, the Arara and Gavião has been determined to denounce this attempt to expropriation of its territory in violation of their rights. The mobilization indigenous policies have implications beyond the anti-dam and is configured in a "cultural policy", as proposed by Alvarez, Dagnino and Escobar (2000), to the extent that Arara and Gavião contest the dominant notions of about the "development" and "nature" involved in hydroelectric projects in Machado¿s River and claim for itself a condition of equality before the ¿whites¿. For these indigenous people, the anti-dam struggle has been made in a privileged space of exposure of their demands and of questioning the condition subordinate assigned to them by whites, are setting up in fight for recognition and autonomy, in which the territory is a fundamental part / Mestrado / Sociologia, Trabalho, Cultura e Ambiente / Mestre em Sociologia

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Priscila_Silva_Barboza_Dissertacao.pdf: 1356719 bytes, checksum: 37726a23935363faa429330fc9f718d2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-27 / The focus of this paper is to study the "legalization of social relations" from the publicprivate dichotomy found in cases of domestic violence taken for the analysis of the Judiciary. Intends to examine the motives that lead women "victims" of domestic violence and family of the 3rd Criminal Court to drop out or not to proceed to the demands aimed at responsabilization of "aggressors". It is believed that the verification of internal tensions and the criminal justice field, its relation with the tensions inherent in the social field of the "victims", could yield clues to understand the question before. It was concluded that the actors that make up each of the fields see the crimes of different ways, according to the internal logic of each system (social or legal) / O foco do presente trabalho é o estudo da judicialização das relações sociais a partir da dicotomia público-privada encontrada nos casos de violência doméstica e familiar levados a análise do Poder Judiciário no contexto do Município de Pelotas no Rio Grande do Sul. Pretende-se verificar os motivos que levariam as mulheres vítimas de violência doméstica e familiar da 3º Vara Criminal da Comarca de Pelotas a desistirem ou não de dar prosseguimento às demandas que visam a responsabilização de seus agressores . Acredita-se que a verificação das tensões internas ao campo jurídico penal e a sua relação com as tensões próprias ao campo social das vítimas desse tipo de violência, poderiam trazer indícios para se compreender o questionamento anterior. Percebeu-se que os atores que compõem cada um dos campos percebem os delitos de formas diferenciadas, conforme a lógica interna de cada sistema (social ou jurídico)

Environmental conservation and natural resources management are critical global issues of the 21st century. The management of protected public lands emerges as a challenge particularly in developing countries because of the biophysical and socio-cultural importance of these lands. These lands are often referred to as 'working landscapes' where the natural systems and the collective actions of local residents have shaped one another in well-balanced interactions for generations. The working landscapes of the Köprülü Kanyon National Park (KKNP) in Turkey have provided the case study for this dissertation. Eleven villages exist within the park with a total of approximately 7,100 residents. The rich natural resources of the park have been contested by local communities, management and concessionaires. The objectives of the research were: first, to understand the fundamentals of the natural and socio-cultural dynamics within protected areas in general, and within the KKNP in particular; second, to examine the social conflicts which complicate the management of the KKNP; and third, to explore potential solutions whereby the stakeholders can cooperate in stabilizing the traditional dynamics of the park's working landscapes. Qualitative data was collected via 38 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with local residents, managers and concessionaires. The research found that an array of social disturbances and conflicts impact the social fabric and harm the land-human integrity of the site. These include shifting demographics, changing lifestyles of the villagers, pressures from tourism, multiple governmental authorities and instable management. Yaylacýlýk tradition, a semi-sedentary form of pastoralism, has played a significant role in both the traditional ecology and the social relations within the communities of the KKNP; and its abandonment has severely impacted both social and biophysical conditions. Through yaylacýlýk local residents had managed the lands as common property. The establishment of the national park, changing life styles and the pressures on the local agricultural economy brought an end to yaylacýlýk . Now the resources are treated in effect as open pool resources, thus leading to their demise. Throughout the eventful past of the KKNP the local residents have come from being integral elements of the 'working landscapes,' to being as antagonistic enemies of the park management. The three ideal characteristic elements of the 'working landscapes' of the KKNP (controlled access, coordination and communication) which once were maintained by the yaylacýlýk tradition, can be re-institutionalized within the region through contemporary applications by neutral third party initiatives. Restoration, conservation and efficient management of biophysical resources and the natural environment should be the outcomes of the resolutions of social conflicts which can be accomplished by the restoration of these three elements of the social structure.

This paper represents the root causes of Hazaras persecution in Afghanistan through ethno-religious and psycho-cultural approaches, using Protracted Social Conflicts (PSC) and Relative Deprivation (RD) frameworks. The Hazara community has been subject to persecution in variety of ways including assassinations, physical torture, enslavement, forced displacement, kidnapping, and target attacks by both state and non-state actors. This study explored multifrontal causes consisting international connection, structural inequalities, communal cleavages, access to economy and power, and interpersonal and ingroup values contributed to Hazaras persecution in Afghanistan. This study argues that the excessive persecution and discrimination against Hazara community was founded, particularly by Abdul Rahman in 1890s which shaped the ethno-religious and psycho-cultural approaches of Hazaras afterward. The ethno-religious and psycho-cultural approaches led the common thinking against Hazaras in the form of wrong identification, wrong myths, false consciousness, and ill-definition of Hazaras as monolithic Shi’as who have consistently been labelled as “Kafirs,” unbeliever, and decedents of Genghis Khan. The persecution of Hazaras can be studied through the lens of PSC, manifests the longstanding inter-state and intra-state conflicts, and RD depicts comparison of disadvantagedness of an individual or a group with other individuals and groups.

Depuis des années, le Kenya avait donné l’impression d’être un pays relativement stable dans la région d’Afrique sub-saharienne, régulièrement secouée par les conflits, et un « centre » autour duquel la communauté internationale coordonne ses missions vers certains pays d’Afrique comme ceux faisant partie de la Région des Grandes Lacs (Burundi, Rwanda, Ouganda, République démocratique du Congo, Kenya et Tanzanie) et ceux de la Corne de l’Afrique (Kenya, Somalie, Éthiopie, Djibouti et Ouganda). Toutefois, les élections présidentielles très contestées en 2007 et les conflits qui se sont enchaînés ont entrainé de nombreuses préoccupations en ce qui concerne la stabilité du Kenya à l’ère de l’insécurité globale. Alors que le rétablissement de la paix continue, la coexistence entre groupes est toujours délicate car le Kenya compte au moins quarante-deux ethnies qui sont toutes distinctes les unes par rapport aux autres. Par ailleurs, l’ouverture d’une enquête judiciaire, par la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI), contre quatre des six personnes présumées être les principaux auteurs des violences postélectorales de 2007/08, s’ajoute aux problèmes liés à la coexistence pacifique entre les différents groupes avant les prochaines élections. Cette thèse examine les politiques relatives à l’accommodation des différents groupes à travers les radios vernaculaires et comment ces politiques ont influencé les relations entre les groupes lors des conflits de 2007/08 au Kenya. Partant du constat qu’un conflit est un processus communicatif, elle intègre le concept d’encadrement médiatique à la théorie de Protracted Social Conflict (PSC) définie par Azar (1990) pour tracer non seulement les changements dans les discours d’encadrement de ces conflits, mais aussi pour illustrer les mutations des attitudes à l’égard des relations entre groupes survenues avant, durant et après ces conflits. Cette étude emploie principalement les méthodes qualitatives pour rassembler les données issues des trois régions au Kenya qui sont ethniquement et linguistiquement divergentes: Nyeri (la majorité Kikuyu), Kisumu (la majorité Luo) et Eldoret (la majorité Kalenjin). L’argument central de cette thèse est que l’encadrement des relations entre groupes, notamment lors des conflits, est soit différencié soit concerté dépendamment du stade auquel le conflit se manifeste. Alors que dans l’encadrement différencié, les discours médiatiques sont articulés de façon à ce que ceux-ci soient susceptibles d’entrainer une polarisation entre groupes, l’encadrement concerté décrit les discours médiatiques négociés de manière à ce que ceux-ci reflètent les valeurs partagées au travers des différents groupes, et donc sont susceptibles d’engendrer une coopération entre groupes. J’argumente que les changements dans le discours des radios vernaculaires prennent effet lorsque de nouveaux éléments sont ajoutés aux discours caractérisant un conflit déjà existant, et les « nouveaux significations » que ces éléments apportent à la compréhension du conflit en question. J’argumente également que le changement du l’encadrement différentiée à l’encadrement concerté (et vice-versa) dépende du degré de résonance de ces discours avec la population cible. De façon générale, cette étude suggère que le langage de diffusion et la proximité culturelle induisent l’encadrement entre groupes à travers les radios vernaculaires au Kenya. La force de cette thèse se trouve donc dans les perspectives analytiques qu’elle propose pour localiser les discours changeants lors des conflits, plus particulièrement dans les états multiethniques où les politiques d’accommodation entre les différents groupes demeurent toujours fragiles et conditionnelles. / For many years, Kenya gave the impression of a relatively stable nation-state within the turbulent sub-Saharan Africa and a suitable hub from which the international community extends its missions to parts of Africa such as the Great Lakes Region (Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, DR Congo, Kenya and Tanzania) and the Horn of Africa (Kenya, Somalia, Ethiopia Djibouti and Uganda). However, the highly disputed presidential elections in 2007 and the upheaval that followed prompted concern about Kenya’s stability in the wake of global insecurity. While the healing process is underway, challenges of intergroup accommodation persist, as Kenya counts about forty-two distinct ethno-linguistic groups. Also, the International Criminal Court (ICC) recently brought criminal proceedings against four of the six alleged masterminds of the 2007/08 conflicts, adding to the challenges of intergroup cohesion ahead of the next general elections. This dissertation examines the politics of intergroup accommodation in Kenya’s vernacular radios and how they influenced intergroup relations in the events leading to the 2007/08 conflicts. Considering conflict as a communicative process, it builds on Azar’s (1990) theory of Protracted Social Conflicts (PSC) by integrating media framing not only to unpack the discourses that surrounded the framing of the 2007/08 conflicts, but also to uncover attitudinal shifts that characterized intergroup relations prior to, during, and after this particular conflict. The study mainly borrows from qualitative methods to collect data from three distinct ethno-linguistic regions in Kenya: Nyeri (Kikuyu majority), Kisumu (Luo Majority) and Eldoret (Kalenjin majority). The central argument of this dissertation is that the framing of conflicts by vernacular radios can either be differentiated or concerted, and this depends on the stage at which a given conflict manifests itself. While in differentiated framing, media narratives are negotiated in terms of negative competition likely to reinforce divisive or rebellious attitudes, concerted framing underpins the framing process whereby media discourses are articulated in a manner that underlines shared ideals that cut across intergroup allegiances, and thus may strengthen collaborative attitudes. I argue that the shifts in vernacular radio narratives occur when new elements are added to the already existing conflict frames and the kinds of “new meaning” they generate with regard to conflict processes. I also argue that the shifts from differentiated framing to concerted framing (and vice-versa) also hinge on the degree to which the proposed frames resonate with the appeals and expectations of the target population. Overall, the study argues that the language of broadcast and cultural proximity drive the framing of intergroup relations in Kenya’s vernacular radios, particularly in situations of conflict or competition. The strength of this dissertation lies in the analytical viewpoints that it proposes to locate the shifting perspectives in conflict situations, especially in multiethnic states where the politics of intergroup accommodation are fragile and situational.

Depuis des années, le Kenya avait donné l’impression d’être un pays relativement stable dans la région d’Afrique sub-saharienne, régulièrement secouée par les conflits, et un « centre » autour duquel la communauté internationale coordonne ses missions vers certains pays d’Afrique comme ceux faisant partie de la Région des Grandes Lacs (Burundi, Rwanda, Ouganda, République démocratique du Congo, Kenya et Tanzanie) et ceux de la Corne de l’Afrique (Kenya, Somalie, Éthiopie, Djibouti et Ouganda). Toutefois, les élections présidentielles très contestées en 2007 et les conflits qui se sont enchaînés ont entrainé de nombreuses préoccupations en ce qui concerne la stabilité du Kenya à l’ère de l’insécurité globale. Alors que le rétablissement de la paix continue, la coexistence entre groupes est toujours délicate car le Kenya compte au moins quarante-deux ethnies qui sont toutes distinctes les unes par rapport aux autres. Par ailleurs, l’ouverture d’une enquête judiciaire, par la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI), contre quatre des six personnes présumées être les principaux auteurs des violences postélectorales de 2007/08, s’ajoute aux problèmes liés à la coexistence pacifique entre les différents groupes avant les prochaines élections. Cette thèse examine les politiques relatives à l’accommodation des différents groupes à travers les radios vernaculaires et comment ces politiques ont influencé les relations entre les groupes lors des conflits de 2007/08 au Kenya. Partant du constat qu’un conflit est un processus communicatif, elle intègre le concept d’encadrement médiatique à la théorie de Protracted Social Conflict (PSC) définie par Azar (1990) pour tracer non seulement les changements dans les discours d’encadrement de ces conflits, mais aussi pour illustrer les mutations des attitudes à l’égard des relations entre groupes survenues avant, durant et après ces conflits. Cette étude emploie principalement les méthodes qualitatives pour rassembler les données issues des trois régions au Kenya qui sont ethniquement et linguistiquement divergentes: Nyeri (la majorité Kikuyu), Kisumu (la majorité Luo) et Eldoret (la majorité Kalenjin). L’argument central de cette thèse est que l’encadrement des relations entre groupes, notamment lors des conflits, est soit différencié soit concerté dépendamment du stade auquel le conflit se manifeste. Alors que dans l’encadrement différencié, les discours médiatiques sont articulés de façon à ce que ceux-ci soient susceptibles d’entrainer une polarisation entre groupes, l’encadrement concerté décrit les discours médiatiques négociés de manière à ce que ceux-ci reflètent les valeurs partagées au travers des différents groupes, et donc sont susceptibles d’engendrer une coopération entre groupes. J’argumente que les changements dans le discours des radios vernaculaires prennent effet lorsque de nouveaux éléments sont ajoutés aux discours caractérisant un conflit déjà existant, et les « nouveaux significations » que ces éléments apportent à la compréhension du conflit en question. J’argumente également que le changement du l’encadrement différentiée à l’encadrement concerté (et vice-versa) dépende du degré de résonance de ces discours avec la population cible. De façon générale, cette étude suggère que le langage de diffusion et la proximité culturelle induisent l’encadrement entre groupes à travers les radios vernaculaires au Kenya. La force de cette thèse se trouve donc dans les perspectives analytiques qu’elle propose pour localiser les discours changeants lors des conflits, plus particulièrement dans les états multiethniques où les politiques d’accommodation entre les différents groupes demeurent toujours fragiles et conditionnelles. / For many years, Kenya gave the impression of a relatively stable nation-state within the turbulent sub-Saharan Africa and a suitable hub from which the international community extends its missions to parts of Africa such as the Great Lakes Region (Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, DR Congo, Kenya and Tanzania) and the Horn of Africa (Kenya, Somalia, Ethiopia Djibouti and Uganda). However, the highly disputed presidential elections in 2007 and the upheaval that followed prompted concern about Kenya’s stability in the wake of global insecurity. While the healing process is underway, challenges of intergroup accommodation persist, as Kenya counts about forty-two distinct ethno-linguistic groups. Also, the International Criminal Court (ICC) recently brought criminal proceedings against four of the six alleged masterminds of the 2007/08 conflicts, adding to the challenges of intergroup cohesion ahead of the next general elections. This dissertation examines the politics of intergroup accommodation in Kenya’s vernacular radios and how they influenced intergroup relations in the events leading to the 2007/08 conflicts. Considering conflict as a communicative process, it builds on Azar’s (1990) theory of Protracted Social Conflicts (PSC) by integrating media framing not only to unpack the discourses that surrounded the framing of the 2007/08 conflicts, but also to uncover attitudinal shifts that characterized intergroup relations prior to, during, and after this particular conflict. The study mainly borrows from qualitative methods to collect data from three distinct ethno-linguistic regions in Kenya: Nyeri (Kikuyu majority), Kisumu (Luo Majority) and Eldoret (Kalenjin majority). The central argument of this dissertation is that the framing of conflicts by vernacular radios can either be differentiated or concerted, and this depends on the stage at which a given conflict manifests itself. While in differentiated framing, media narratives are negotiated in terms of negative competition likely to reinforce divisive or rebellious attitudes, concerted framing underpins the framing process whereby media discourses are articulated in a manner that underlines shared ideals that cut across intergroup allegiances, and thus may strengthen collaborative attitudes. I argue that the shifts in vernacular radio narratives occur when new elements are added to the already existing conflict frames and the kinds of “new meaning” they generate with regard to conflict processes. I also argue that the shifts from differentiated framing to concerted framing (and vice-versa) also hinge on the degree to which the proposed frames resonate with the appeals and expectations of the target population. Overall, the study argues that the language of broadcast and cultural proximity drive the framing of intergroup relations in Kenya’s vernacular radios, particularly in situations of conflict or competition. The strength of this dissertation lies in the analytical viewpoints that it proposes to locate the shifting perspectives in conflict situations, especially in multiethnic states where the politics of intergroup accommodation are fragile and situational.

Au XVIIe siècle, commerce et guerre étant étroitement liés (Pocock), les auteurs de cette époque accordent une grande importance aux liens entre conflits et monnaie. Cette thèse met en évidence comment la conception de la monnaie, sous forme de métaux précieux, influence la manière d’envisager la question de l’enrichissement chez Colbert, Vauban et Locke. Elle montre également quelles sont les implications en matière de politiques économiques et de relations sociales. Ces auteurs développent ainsi une pensée pouvant être qualifiée«d’hétérodoxe», en opposition à l’orthodoxie d’Adam Smith qui critique vivement leur question d’une quantité de monnaie nécessaire au fonctionnement du système économique. Dans ce cadre, quatre questions sont traitées. La première consiste à mettre à jour les effets sociaux d’une économie monétaire : l’apparition d’un conflit entre propriétaires terriens et détenteurs de monnaie et la création du gouvernement civil. La seconde permet de souligner le lien entre les relations sociales et les politiques monétaires à mener – à savoir favoriser l’intérêt des marchands ou maintenir une stabilité sociale? La troisième question aborde alors le rôle du gouvernement et des leviers dont il dispose. Le gouvernement doit garantir une quantité de monnaie appropriée, maintenir une balance commerciale excédentaire et faire circuler la monnaie, via une stabilité monétaire ou encore une réforme fiscale. Enfin la dernière question permet d’appréhender le rôle du commerce international. Celui-ci, n’est qu’un moyen de faire circuler la richesse créée au niveau national, selon ces auteurs. Par ailleurs, seul le commerce international permet l’entrée de monnaie sous la forme de métaux précieux. / In the 17th century, trade and war are deeply related (Pocock). Thus, authors from thatperiod gave a great importance to the links between conflicts and money. This PhD aims at understanding how the idea of money, as a precious metal, influences Colbert’s, Vauban’s and Locke’s thinking about the question of the enrichment. It further studies the implications of this approach for economic policy and social relations. These authors can be considered as« heterodox » in opposition to the orthodoxy of Adam Smith who sharply criticized their investigation of an appropriate quantity of money needed to ensure the good functioning of an economic system. In this framework, four questions are analysed. The first one discusses the social effects of a monetary economy in the form of the appearance of a conflict between the landed men and the moneyed men, that ultimately leads to the establishment of a civil government. The second one underlines the link between social relations and the required monetary policies: shall measures favour merchants’ interest or shall they maintain social stability? This brings the reader to the third question, which is to define the role of the government and its means of action. The government must ensure that an appropriate quantity of money, maintain a trade surplus and make money circulate. This can be achieved through a monetary stability or by implementing fiscal reform. Finally, the last question revolves around the role of international trade. According to these authors, it is mainly a mean allowing wealth which is created inside the country, to circulate. Besides, international trade is the only way to have inflows of precious metal, thus increasing the quantity of money in the country.

La presente investigación tiene como objetivo el análisis al controversial tema de las consideraciones tributarias de los gastos por responsabilidad social empresarial que realizan las empresas mineras en el Perú, buscando la aprobación de la deducibilidad de estos desembolsos para efectos del Impuesto a la Renta, con la finalidad de evitar conflictos sociales y mantener su fuente de productiva. Asimismo, se busca establecer una solución jurídica para conseguir el beneficio conjunto y sostenible de todos los actores involucrados. La metodología empleada en este trabajo, contempla la investigación doctrinaria de diversos autores, para definir un concepto integrado de Responsabilidad social, la revisión de fuentes oficiales del Estado sobre la situación económica de la industria minera para observar la urgencia de implementar una solución eficiente al problema, y el análisis normativo y jurisprudencial a nivel administrativo como judicial para observar las consideraciones institucionales respecto a los mencionados desembolsos realizado por las empresas extractivas en el Perú. Las principales conclusiones fueron las siguientes: primero, la Responsabilidad social empresarial supera el compromiso altruista por el bienestar social y ambiental, siendo un importante instrumento de inversión para mantener la fuente productora y así asegurar el desarrollo de la industria; segundo, existe una clara deficiencia normativa que regule la deducción de los gastos por responsabilidad social, provocando una incertidumbre sobre el tratamiento tributario correspondiente; y tercero, en la exigua jurisprudencia vigente se ha reconocido que existe vinculación entre estos gastos y el mantenimiento de la fuente productora, configurándose así la causalidad de estos gastos considerándose deducibles para efectos tributarios, pues previenen, atenúan y eliminan potenciales escenarios negativos en el entorno social que atentarían contra el mantenimiento de la fuente productiva asegurando los objetivo económicos de la empresa. The objective of the present investigation is to analyze the controversial issue of tax considerations of the expenses for corporate social responsibility carried out by mining companies in Peru, seeking the approval of the deductibility of these disbursements for Income Tax purposes, with the Purpose of avoiding social conflicts and maintaining their productive source. It also seeks to establish a legal solution to achieve the joint and sustainable benefit of all actors involved. The methodology used in this work, includes the doctrinal research of various authors, to define an integrated concept of social responsibility, the review of official sources of the State on the economic situation of the mining industry to observe the urgency of implementing an efficient solution to the problem , And normative and jurisprudential analysis at the administrative as well as judicial level to observe the institutional considerations regarding the aforementioned disbursements made by extractive companies in Peru. The main conclusions were: first, Corporate Social Responsibility exceeds the altruistic commitment to social and environmental welfare, being an important investment instrument to maintain the production source and thus ensure the development of the industry; Second, there is a clear regulatory deficiency that regulates the deduction of social responsibility expenses, causing uncertainty about the corresponding tax treatment; And third, in the limited jurisprudence in force, it has been recognized that there is a link between these expenses and the maintenance of the source of production, thus configuring the causality of these expenses considered as deductible for tax purposes, since they prevent, attenuate and eliminate potential negative scenarios in the environment Which would jeopardize the maintenance of the productive source, ensuring the economic objectives of the company.

Orientadores: Lúcia da Costa Ferreira, Cristiana Simão Seixas / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T08:56:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Calvimontes_J._D.pdf: 8180544 bytes, checksum: a0ce16e311518242976b6a22740a7f31 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O histórico da relação entre os moradores e os gestores do Núcleo Picinguaba do Parque Estadual da Serra do Mar (PESM), localizado no litoral norte do Estado de São Paulo, o mais rico e desenvolvido do país, está caracterizado pelos conflitos relacionados aos direitos de permanência e de uso dos recursos naturais. Criado em 1977, durante a última ditadura militar e seguindo premissas preservacionistas, o PESM permaneceu no papel até inícios dos anos 1980, quando começaram os primeiros contatos com os moradores. Estes moradores, trabalhadores do campo e pescadores, viram, então, deslegitimados seus direitos ao trabalho e à continuação de suas atividades produtivas e culturais. Desde então, passaram a serem considerados clandestinos, ilegais, irregulares ou, segundo suas próprias palavras, "bandidos", devido a que a legislação proíbe a presença permanente de moradores no interior das Unidades de Conservação de Proteção Integral. O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar os conflitos, as ações, as estratégias e a organização dos diversos atores sociais (moradores, gestores, membros de ONG, membros do poder público, pesquisadores) vinculados ao Núcleo Picinguaba a respeito do uso dos recursos naturais e acesso a terra, e, finalmente, refletir se esta dinâmica influencia positivamente nos processos sociais associados à conservação da biodiversidade. Parto da ideia de que todos esses atores têm seus próprios interesses, suas próprias perspectivas, motivações, lutas e estratégias de ação, e se organizam ao redor delas numa arena muito complexa e de múltiplos níveis. Este conflito originou novas formas de organização social no PESM: lideranças locais surgiram e se formaram associações comunitárias que tinham por objetivo a luta pelo direito que os moradores consideravam violados. Ao longo dos últimos anos, o diálogo entre gestão e moradores tem se intensificado e novos espaços de discussão e negociação, assim como novos atores com seus próprios interesses, têm aparecido. Três questões são transversais a este conflito e às estratégias que os atores têm seguido ao longo dos anos: a questão da terra, a questão da identidade e a própria questão do uso e conservação dos recursos naturais. Assim, os moradores têm se organizado em torno à luta pelo direito a terra, recorrendo para isso a estratégias identitárias e a categorias como populações tradicionais, quilombolas e caiçaras. Tudo isto em um contexto de uma UC de Proteção Integral, localizada em uma região não só altamente biodiversa, mas com um forte histórico de uso dos recursos naturais e de ocupação humana / Abstract: The history of the relationship between inhabitants and managers of the Picinguaba Administrative Nucleus in the State Park of Serra do Mar (SPSM) is characterized by conflicts related to the rights to permanence and to the use of natural resources. The SMPS is located in the northern coast of São Paulo State, the richest and more developed state of Brazil. Created in 1977 during the last military dictatorship, the park followed a preservationist scheme. The SMSP remained on paper until the beginning of the 1980s decade, when the first contacts between the park administration staff and the inhabitants began. At this moment, these inhabitants, rural workers and fishermen, were delegitimized and lost their rights to work and to continue their cultural and productive activities. Since then, the inhabitants were considered illegal, irregular, clandestine or, on their own words, "bandits", due to the Brazilian law prohibiting the presence of inhabitants inside the Protected Areas with strictly protection. This research aims to analyze the conflicts, actions, strategies and organization of the different social actors (inhabitants, managers, members of NGOs, public power, and researchers) related to the Picinguaba Nucleus, about the use of natural resources and the access to land. Finally, it will evaluate if this dynamic influence the social processes associated to biodiversity conservation. I start from the idea that all these actors have their own interests, perspectives, motivations, struggles and action strategies, and organize themselves around them in a very complex and multi-level arena. This conflict caused new forms of social organization in the SPSM: local leaders arose and communal associations that aim the struggle for the inhabitants rights were created. During the last years, the dialogue between managers and inhabitants was intensified, and new spaces of negotiation and new actors with own interests have appeared. Three issues are transversal to this conflict and the strategies followed by the actors along the years: land issue, identity issue and use and conservation of natural resources issue. Thus, the inhabitants were organized around the struggle for their right to land, and using categories such as traditional people, caiçaras and quilombolas. All of this in a context with a Protected Area with strictly protection, located in a region not only with high biodiversity, but with a history of use of natural resources and human occupation / Doutorado / Aspectos Sociais de Sustentabilidade e Conservação / Doutor em Ambiente e Sociedade

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T18:21:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Alberto dos Reis Conde1.pdf: 8834910 bytes, checksum: 76d61d59d66eb7b65fa9743bea40865d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-02-19 / This dissertation is about conflicts between the natural environment and the urbanization process, and the possibilities of a sustainable development strategy on an area around a road placed on Cantareira Mountain range in Sao Paulo state. This road gets a special landscape and environment interest, mainly by local and regional economy, water production system that supplies the Sao Paulo metropolitan region and its protection. It presents studies of roads cases with special landscape and environment concerns in the world and in Brazil name or not Parkway. It shows and discusses the Cantareira/Roseira Parkway project in Mairipor?, development by local environment entities. It deepens the future of the project face the planning and metropolitan and local management, as well as, public sectors and private interests. The critical analysis of this experience will contribute to a new approach to fore-see similar ecosystems and regions and the adequacy of implementation tools and management of these strategies. / A disserta??o trata dos conflitos entre o meio natural e a ocupa??o urbana e as possibilidades de uma estrat?gia de desenvolvimento sustent?vel para o entorno de uma estrada localizada na Serra da Cantareira, SP. H? nela especial interesse paisag?stico e ambiental sobretudo em fun??o dos valores da economia local, regional e de produ??o e prote??o de ?guas para abastecimento da regi?o metropolitana de S?o Paulo. Apresenta estudos de casos como esse no Brasil e no mundo, que usam ou n?o o nome de Estrada Parque. Exp?e e discute o projeto da Estrada Parque Cantareira/Roseira em Mairipor?, desenvolvido por entidades ambientalistas locais. Aprofunda o destino do projeto face os limites do planejamento e gest?o metropolitanos e locais, bem como os interesses p?blicos, setoriais e privados. A avalia??o cr?tica dessa experi?ncia dever? contribuir para um novo olhar ?s regi?es de biomas semelhantes e para a adequa??o dos instrumentos de implanta??o e gest?o dessa estrat?gia.