Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-05-19T18:03:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 AnaMagdaMagnaniDelfim.pdf: 1633720 bytes, checksum: 8f0c30aa591345f98a4076ef34926227 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-19T18:03:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AnaMagdaMagnaniDelfim.pdf: 1633720 bytes, checksum: 8f0c30aa591345f98a4076ef34926227 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-19 / Brazilian health system (Sistema Único de Saúde - SUS) has, legally guaranteed, as one of its principle, participation of civil society in health councils and conferences - institutionalized participation - as guarantee that society are involved in the process of formulation and control of health policies. Equally important, is the non-institutionalized participation, which it consists in political performance of users daily based, social movements, popular movements, forums, social networks and collective existing in society. Taking into account that, society participation as producer of necessities to the life for their own players and adding to the fact that society and the processes that permeate the individual determine their health condition and welfare, becomes essential understand this context. Thus, understanding the social participation in health matters at a community ascribed to a Family Health Strategy team may contribute to studies of social sciences applied to health and development of a healthy society. This article is about a social research with qualitative research methodology of descriptive and analytical character, which the applied technique for primary data collection was semi-structured individual interview oriented by a guide. Participants of this article were people of the community from neighborhood Alonso Costa assisted at a Local Basic Health Unit ascribed to the team of ESF 031 in São José de Ribamar - Maranhão. Content analysis allowed knowing historical process and learning that trajectory of social participation at this community is marked by empowerment of community residents, with institutional support, guided by political and partisan interests, also by interest of people that live in the community and relationship with these people with health professionals. These factors have exerted a decisive role and conditioning factor for current decadence of the social movements at community. Yet, despite decades of praxis, social participation in formal spaces - institutionalized - is not known and/or is not accessible for most people and the non-institutionalized participation is surrounded by a number of factors that limit and discourage the community in the continuity of old social movements. Has identified as limiting factor of social participation in health the lack of information access and empowerment, nonexistence of a legitimate representative, distancing of institutionalized participation, poor involvement of health professionals with community, a not collaborative rivalry and the predominance of partisan politics logic, in addition to not solving basics necessities satisfactorily. It is still necessary to keep in mind that the process of empowerment for social participation in health matters reflects a collective daily effort that requires permanent investment "the" and "in" human capital. / O Sistema Único de Saúde brasileiro (SUS) tem como um de seus princípios, legalmente garantidos, a participação da sociedade civil nos conselhos e conferências de Saúde – participação institucionalizada – como garantia de que a população participa do processo de formulação e controle das políticas de saúde. Tão importante quanto, é a participação não institucionalizada, que consiste na atuação política cotidiana de usuários, movimentos sociais, movimentos populares, fóruns, redes sociais e entre coletivos existentes na sociedade. Considerando a participação social como a produção de necessidades da vida por seus próprios protagonistas e agregando-se ao fato de que a sociedade e os processos que permeiam o indivíduo determinam sua condição de saúde e bem-estar, torna-se imprescindível compreender este contexto. Assim, a compreensão da participação social em saúde em uma Comunidade adscrita a uma equipe da Estratégia Saúde da Família pode contribuir com estudos das ciências sociais aplicadas à saúde e ao desenvolvimento de uma sociedade saudável. Trata-se de uma pesquisa social com metodologia de pesquisa qualitativa, cuja técnica empregada para foi entrevista na modalidade semiestruturada individual orientada por roteiro. Os participantes do estudo foram pessoas da Comunidade do Bairro Vila Alonso Costa atendidas na Unidade Básica de Saúde local e adscritas à equipe da ESF 031 do município de São José de Ribamar - Maranhão. A análise de conteúdo permitiu conhecer os processos históricos locais e apreender que a trajetória de participação social da Comunidade foi marcada pelo empoderamento dos moradores, com apoio institucional, guiado por interesse comunitário e vínculo com os profissionais de saúde, mas também por interesses políticos e partidários. Tais fatores exerceram papel determinante e condicionante para a decadência atual dos movimentos sociais da Comunidade. Ainda, apesar de décadas de práxis, a participação social em espaços formais – institucionalizada – não é conhecida e/ou não está ao alcance da maior parte das pessoas e a participação não-institucionalizada é cercada por vários fatores que limitam e desmotivam a Comunidade na continuidade dos movimentos passados. Identificou-se como fatores que limitam a prática da participação social em saúde a falta de acesso à informação e empoderamento, a inexistência de um representante legítimo, o distanciamento da participação institucionalizada, o pobre envolvimento dos profissionais da saúde com a Comunidade, a rivalidade não colaborativa e predomínio da lógica da política partidária, além da não resolução das necessidades básicas de modo satisfatório. Ainda é preciso ter em mente que o processo de empoderamento para a participação social em saúde reflete um esforço coletivo cotidiano que necessita permanentemente de investimento “do” e “no” capital humano.

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-26T18:44:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Daniel Neto Francisco.pdf: 15179616 bytes, checksum: 79ac3abf03e8492cb989dbc0e5467fc5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-26T18:44:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Daniel Neto Francisco.pdf: 15179616 bytes, checksum: 79ac3abf03e8492cb989dbc0e5467fc5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1991-04-27 / CAPES / This research aims to analyze the tools of social control in the municipality of Itaguai (RJ). Addressing thus the effectiveness of accountability mechanisms as the Director of Sustainable Development Plan of Itaguai (PDDSMI), local community councils and managers of sectoral policy councils, ombudsmen of the municipality and other institutionalized monitoring instruments and control the actions of government. And in view of the mega-projects attraction scenario to the location, we intend to characterize the local governance structure and its way of participation and popular control of administrative acts performed by the local government. As the intrinsic details of the internal control performed by the controller of the municipality; and external, carried out by the city of Itaguai (CMI). From the mega-projects of deployment scenario in Itagua? municipality as the Sudeste Port industrial plant of Companhia Sider?rgica Nacional (CSN); and the relevance that takes place in the dynamics of large investments in the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro (RMRJ). One can raise the assumption that the model of development based on mega-projects opens a space for economic growth and expansion of the public budget. This research was based on literature, telematic research; and field research. There were 25 (twenty five) semi-open interviews with the community of the city councilors. And as a result, we analyzed the tooling of local social control through the perspective of the community of the city councilors. Elements of local social control as municipal public hearings have been characterized by the directors as ineffective instruments. While other avenues of participation and publicity of public acts as the site of the town hall and the internal control organs are characterized as little dialogical. And the actions of social control as a whole, ineffective, according to the vision of their own social agents. However, amid this scenario it recorded an expansion of institutions devoted to the perspective of participatory governance and social control. The institutionalization of new community councils and ombudsmen (legislative and executive) show that despite low levels of territorial and social cohesion between the mega-enterprises, local government and civil society, social participation is becoming more robust in Itaguai. And accusations of administrative corruption, poor public policies conducted gain greater visibility among the social movements of neighborhoods, representatives of associations; which has favored the setting of social mobilizations against the acts of administrative corruption and inertia of internal and external control of local government. / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar as ferramentas de controle social existentes no munic?pio de Itagua? (RJ). Abordando assim, a efetividade de mecanismos de accountability como o Plano Diretor de Desenvolvimento Sustent?vel de Itagua? (PDDSMI), os conselhos comunit?rios locais e conselhos gestores de pol?ticas setoriais, as ouvidorias do munic?pio e outros instrumentos institucionalizados de fiscaliza??o e controle das a??es do poder p?blico. E tendo em vista o cen?rio de atra??o dos megaempreendimentos para a localidade, pretende-se caracterizar a estrutura de governan?a local e suas vias de participa??o e o controle popular dos atos administrativos executados pela prefeitura local. Assim como os elementos intr?nsecos relativos ao controle interno, realizado pela controladoria do mun?cipio; e, externo, realizado pela C?mara Municipal de Itagua? (CMI). A partir do cen?rio de implanta??o dos megaempreendimentos no munic?pio de Itagua? como o Porto Sudeste a planta industrial da Companhia Sider?rgica Nacional (CSN); e, a relev?ncia que localidade assume nas din?micas dos grandes investimentos da Regi?o Metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro (RMRJ). Pode-se levantar a premissa de que o modelo de desenvolvimento com base em megaempreendimentos abre um espa?o para o crescimento econ?mico e expans?o do or?amento p?blico. Tal pesquisa se fundamentou em pesquisa bibliogr?fica, telematizada; e, em pesquisa de campo. Foram realizadas 25 (vinte e cinco) entrevistas semiabertas junto aos conselheiros comunit?rios do munic?pio. E como resultado, foram analisados os ferramentais de controle social local, por meio da perspectiva dos conselheiros comunit?rios do munic?pio. Elementos do controle social local como as audi?ncias p?blicas municipais foram caracterizados pelos conselheiros como instrumentos pouco efetivos. Enquanto outras vias de participa??o e de publiciza??o dos atos p?blicos como o site da prefeitura e os ?rg?os de controle interno caracterizam-se como pouco dial?gicos. E as a??es de controle social como um todo, pouco efetivas, segundo a vis?o dos pr?prios agentes sociais. No entanto, em meio a este cen?rio registrou-se uma expans?o das institui??es voltadas para a ?tica de governan?a participativa e do controle social. A institucionaliza??o de novos conselhos comunit?rios e de Ouvidorias (do poder legislativo e executivo) demonstram que apesar dos baixos n?veis de coes?o territorial e social entre os megaempreendimentos, o poder p?blico local e a sociedade civil, a participa??o social vem se tornando mais robusta em Itagua?. E den?ncias de improbidade administrativa, de pol?ticas p?blicas m? conduzidas ganham maior visibilidade em meio aos movimentos sociais de bairros, de representantes de associa??es; o que vem favorecendo a configura??o de mobiliza??es sociais contra os atos de improbidade administrativa e de in?rcia dos controles interno e externo do poder p?blico local.

Individuals interacting in an environment that exacerbates fear of crime and general distrust may face erosion of democratic values and perceive authoritarian policies as a solution to restore order. In Latin America historical widespread distrust in the government apparatus as well as fear of crime, have always been a topic of interest, not only for sociologists but also for political scientists and lawmakers. This study uses the LAPOP wave 2012 (Latin American Public Opinion) survey to assess Ecuadorians’ perceptions about trust in the government and fear of crime as predictors of support for authoritarian policies (mano dura). Logistic regressions show evidence that fear of crime acts as a better predictor than level of trust in the government for predicting the likelihood of supporting authoritarian policies. Overall, this study provides a hint of how Ecuadorians support for democratic principles may have weakened by fear of crime and lack of trust in the government apparatus.

The overrepresentation of racial and ethnic minorities in crime has been an issue of debate. Some evidence, however, has shown that racial differences in offending are largely accounted for by economic disadvantage. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (n = 4,290), the relationship between race and delinquency was examined looking at social disorganization factors. It was hypothesized that there would be racial and ethnic differences in delinquency and that these differences would be accounted for by social disorganization factors, specifically collective efficacy and economic disadvantage. The results show that compared to White adolescents Hispanic adolescents have increased odds of nonviolent and violent delinquency, and Black adolescents have increased odds of violent delinquency. Contrary to expectations, social disorganization factors did not account for the racial and ethnic differences in delinquency. Unexpectedly, higher levels of collective efficacy actually increased the odds of violent delinquency.

Religious institutions are among the deepest reservoirs of social belonging in America, but what determines whether belonging is cultivated in these institutions? Previous research shows that individuals’ social network composition is a primary predictor of feelings of belonging. However, less is known about how group characteristics condition the influence of social networks on belonging. We use data from the 2001 U.S. Congregational Life Survey and multilevel modeling to examine how organizational characteristics such as group size, in-group network density, and aggregate ideological uniformity moderate the effects of individual social networks on sense of belonging. Results indicate that both structural (network density, church size) and cultural (ideology) characteristics of groups significantly condition the effects of individual social networks on belonging. Smaller group size, network density, and ideological unity cultivate contexts that amplify the relationship between personal networks and belonging.

The liberalization of attitudes toward homosexuality in the United States over the past 30 years is well documented. Despite these changes, substantial resistance to equality for gay men and lesbians remains. Previous studies indicate that beliefs about the etiology of homosexuality are central to this discussion. Those who believe homosexuality is innate are more favorable, while those who believe it is the result of a choice are more negative. Moreover, experimental research indicates that those with negative views actually become more opposed when a natural explanation is proposed. This study highlights the importance of perceived sources of epistemic and moral authority for understanding views of homosexuality. Using stances on culturally controversial issues involving “science and religion” as indicators of where individuals place authority, we outline the connection between perceptions of moral authority and attributions about homosexuality. Analyses of a national survey of American adults show that, net of controls, one’s stance on moral authority is the strongest predictor of attributions about whether homosexuality is chosen or innate.

Narratives of conflict regarding the connections between science and religion receive considerable attention in multiple forums of public discourse. These discussions tend to focus on philosophical, abstract, and/or polemical, rather than empirical issues. Data from a 2007 national survey indicate that a relatively small proportion of American adults perceive incompatibility between science and religion. Those who do are divided evenly into groups privileging science and privileging religion. These groups are markedly different with regard to sociodemographic and religious characteristics. Overall, I advocate a theoretical perspective on “science and religion” that is culturally constructionist, but methodologically empiricist.

Book Summary: A shocking snapshot of the most current impulses in American religion. Rodney Stark reports the surprising findings of the 2007 Baylor Surveys of Religion, a follow up to the 2005 survey revealing most Americans believe in God or a higher power. This new volume highlights even more hot-button issues of religious life in our country. A must-read for anyone interested in Americans' religious beliefs and practices.

Substantial bodies of literature have examined public opinion about sexual education, the politicization of sexual education in public schools, and connections between population characteristics and social policies. At present, however, little is known about whether and how population characteristics predict the likelihood of specific sexual education policies. We analyze data at the state level in the USA to determine if and how specific religious aspects of states’ populations influence the likelihood of specific sexual education policies. Results indicate that high levels of theism significantly increase the likelihood of sexual education policies stressing abstinence, while higher levels of individuals not actively participating in organized religion correlate with a significantly higher likelihood of having sexual education policy that mandates the coverage of contraception. We discuss these findings in a framework of symbolic politics and moral communities, focusing on the intersections of religion, politics, and sexuality.

Historically, religious frameworks—particularly conceptions of evil—have been tied to attitudes about criminal behavior and its corresponding punishment, yet views of transcendent evil have not been explored in the empirical literature on religion and punitive ideology. We examine whether and how different aspects of religiosity shape punitive attitudes, using a national sample of Americans. For both general punitiveness and views of capital punishment, belief in the existence and power of transcendent religious evil (e.g. Satan and hell) is strongly associated with greater punitiveness, while higher levels of religious practice (service attendance, prayer, and reading sacred scriptures) reduces punitiveness. The effects of other aspects of religiosity on punitiveness such as self-identified fundamentalism, scriptural literalism, and images of God are rendered spurious by accounting for perceptions of evil. We discuss these findings in light of cultural and comparative approaches to penology, arguing for the inclusion of conceptions of the “transgressive” sacred in studies of, and theories about, penal populism.