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Social movement scholars have contended that considerable research on protest policing has been done, but research testing multiple theories in recent decades is lacking. To resolve this gap in the literature, this study integrates major paradigms in repression research and theories of policing styles around a dramaturgical approach to collective action, identifying factors influencing violence at social protests in the United States from 2006-2009. Conceiving of social protest as a form of political and symbolic action, I maintain that social actors and the qualities of their actions and immediate environment importantly influence a protest event's characteristics and outcomes. Specifically, I code for three violent outcomes—arrests, police violence, and any violence—and one measure of threat—police presence. I identify four components of the protest event which influence these outcomes—actors (e.g., authorities, protesters, and counterprotesters), enemies (e.g., the target of protesters' claims), the stage (e.g., qualities of place and space where a protest occurs), and protest performance (e.g., protest size and specific tactics employed by actors). Thus, this research focuses on how qualities of police, protester, and counterprotester performances intersect to influence violence at protest events. Data for this project were collected from multiple sources from 2006-2009. Information on protest events was collected by content coding of newspaper articles in the Los Angeles Times and New York Times. Information on community policing styles was derived from lists of funding for agencies participating in the U.S. Department of Justice's Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) program. In some instances the results of this study show that certain characteristics leading to police presence and violence at social protests in the U.S. persist from research conducted on earlier decades—presence of African Americans or counterprotesters, protester use of "more confrontational" tactics and/or multiple tactics, and the damaging of property by protesters or counterprotesters. However, my findings also contradict previous studies, because I find that: (1) larger protests are less likely to be policed or result in violence; (2) social and cultural targets are more likely predictors of policing and violence rather than government or economic ones; and, (3) specific social movement families and tactical types influence protest event outcomes differently. I also found that community policing styles had no effect on protest event policing. These findings are important because they show how a protest event's symbolic nature influences policing and violent outcomes. / Ph. D.

The problem with which this thesis is concerned is the relationship between literature and politics. By means of a biographical and historical study two significant writers of the 1930s/40s I examine the ways in which the pressures of Depression, the threat of fascism and the onset of war influenced Australian writing. In particular, I ask whether the political issues of the period affected what these authors wrote and how they wrote it. My conclusion is that pressure of political concern caused significant personal, philosophical and political changes in Barnard and Davison, and that it affected both the genre in which they wrote and the content of their fiction. They turned from fiction to cultural commentary, historical writing, political pamphleteering and activism. They utilised short fiction as a means of discussing their worries about the state of the world and in order to promote values they felt threatened. When they returned to longer fiction their work bore, to differing degrees, in its ideas, arguments and imagery, the influence of their political engagement. More generally, I conclude that liberal humanism was the major animating philosophy of writers in the 1930s and that their concern with political issues grew from their conviction that western liberal democracy was the most fruitful soil for the production of art, a climate of freedom which they felt threatened by both fascism and war. This anxiety is the most important factor in both their politicisation and the work they did under the latter???s influence.

The problem with which this thesis is concerned is the relationship between literature and politics. By means of a biographical and historical study two significant writers of the 1930s/40s I examine the ways in which the pressures of Depression, the threat of fascism and the onset of war influenced Australian writing. In particular, I ask whether the political issues of the period affected what these authors wrote and how they wrote it. My conclusion is that pressure of political concern caused significant personal, philosophical and political changes in Barnard and Davison, and that it affected both the genre in which they wrote and the content of their fiction. They turned from fiction to cultural commentary, historical writing, political pamphleteering and activism. They utilised short fiction as a means of discussing their worries about the state of the world and in order to promote values they felt threatened. When they returned to longer fiction their work bore, to differing degrees, in its ideas, arguments and imagery, the influence of their political engagement. More generally, I conclude that liberal humanism was the major animating philosophy of writers in the 1930s and that their concern with political issues grew from their conviction that western liberal democracy was the most fruitful soil for the production of art, a climate of freedom which they felt threatened by both fascism and war. This anxiety is the most important factor in both their politicisation and the work they did under the latter???s influence.

Based on social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979) and the social identity approach to leadership (Haslam, Reicher, & Platow, 2011), the present research addressed the question of how collective action is coordinated. Three studies are reported, which address the interplay between in-group identification, identity leadership and collective action in three social group contexts (i.e., political parties, civic society and workgroup). The results of Study 1 replicated that identity leadership is a four dimensional construct. However, these four dimensions had strong intercorrelations. Study 2 and 3 supported the hypotheses that the more people identify with the group, the more they will engage in collective action (Hypothesis 1) and in-group identification results in the perception of identity leadership which, in turn leads to collective action in certain group contexts (Hypothesis 2-5). Study 3 demonstrated that the relationship between in-group identification and collective action, via identity leadership is indeed context dependent (Hypothesis 6). Implications of the current research are outlined in relation to the discourse on collective action and identity leadership. / Grow-your-own-timber programme at Unisa / Psychology / M.A. (Psychology, with specialisation in Research Consultation)

This paper does a profound description of the legal framework and its recent modifications related to the State’s use of force in socio-environmental conflicts. This analysis emphasizes in law’s violent nature as a theoretic approach that intends on showing the way that the legal system, instead of defending rights, violates them. The methodology is dogmatic when analyzing law and other legal documents, and interdisciplinary when comparing laws with evidence gathered in interviews, participant observation, documents and databases. The objective its to characterize critically the complex legal framework that articulates the politics that leads to the criminalization of social protests against extractive industries in Peru. / El artículo hace una descripción profunda del marco normativo y sus modificaciones recientes con relación al uso de la fuerza estatal en conflictos socioambientales. Pone énfasis en la naturaleza violenta del derecho como enfoque teórico e intenta mostrar de qué manera el sistema jurídico, antes que garante, es productor de violaciones a los derechos humanos. La metodología empleada es, por un lado, dogmática cuando analiza normas y otros documentos legales y, por otro, interdisciplinaria cuando compara leyes con evidencia recogida en entrevistas, observación participante, documentos y bases de datos. El objetivo es caracterizar críticamente el complejo entramado legal que articula la política de criminalización de las protestas sociales contra industrias extractivas en el Perú.

The aim of this diploma thesis is analysis of roots KPC's successes in elections among Prague voters during interwar period. In the centre of the interest is readiness of historical actors for political activism, active participation in demonstrations and the reasons of less evident support, which was manifested through preferences of voters. By methods of social and cultural history this work reconstructs social nets of participants, supporters, activists and voters of KPC during interwar period with special attention on cause of shift individuals toward communist movement. The complex built from ideological discourse and social representations of power of working class, which was transmitted through organizational structures of party, was created with intention to make working class with strong political consciousness - in the other words, with purpose to create group of convinced communists. To catch the process of construction of communist movement members mentality in point of intersection with activity of communist organisations focused to improve of poor lives of Prague periphery inhabitants can offer new point of view on specific position of communist movement in interwar Czechoslovak society. Key words: Communist movement, slums, interwar Prague, election, political activism, ideological...

Activism has the potential for reform (Howard, 1976). Unlike previous studies on high school activism this study places a primary focus on underground newspapers and argues that underground newspapers allowed high school students to function as activists as well as educational reformers. In order to make this argument, this study examined over 150 underground newspapers and other primary source publications. The goals and tactics of high school activists evolved from the 1950s to the 1970s. During this time there were some shifts in ideologies, strategies, and priorities that were influenced by both an ever increasing student frustration with school leaders and by outside historical events. Underground newspapers captured the shift that occurred in the objectives and tactics of student activists. As a result, the contents of underground newspapers were the primary focus of this study. My study reveals that there were three types of student activists: "incidental" activists who simply wanted to change individual school policies, "intentional" activists who wanted high school students to have greater authority and autonomy in schools, and lastly, "radical" activists who desired an end to oppression of people based on race, class, sex, and age. The evidence overwhelmingly indicates that for the most part incidental, intentional, and radical student activists were all working towards improving their high schools. This common goal was pivotal in the development of a Youth Empowerment social movement, which would be born out of the actions of all three types of high school activists. . Incidental activists were the focal point of attention for school administrators in the 1950s, however; intentional and radical activists would take center stage by the late 1960s. Throughout the 1970s intentional and radical activists would overshadow incidental activists and dominate the high school activism scene. / Urban Education

El presente trabajo de investigación tiene como finalidad analizar el uso como herramienta política del perfil de Instagram “memoriaenaccioncix” y del canal de Telegram “Chiclayo marcha” que surgieron en la ciudad de Chiclayo en el contexto de las marchas realizadas en noviembre de 2020. Los peruanos se movilizaron convocando a marchas a través de las diferentes redes sociales que iniciaron en la ciudad de Lima, pero que se extendieron a las diferentes regiones del país. La defensa de la democracia motivó las marchas, debido al golpe de estado parlamentar en el Perú. Las redes sociales jugaron un papel fundamental en la organización, viralización y descentralización del movimiento social, debido a su público heterogéneo, pluricanalidad, organización horizontal e inmediatez, que lograron la propagación del movimiento en todo el territorio nacional. / This research paper aims to analyze the use as a political tool of the Instagram profile “memoriaenaccioncix” and the Telegram channel “Chiclayo march” that emerged in the city of Chiclayo in the context of the November 2020 protests. Peruvians mobilized by calling for protests through the different social networks that began in the city of Lima but spread to different regions of the country. The defence of democracy motivated the protests, due to the parliamentary coup d’état in Peru. Social networks played a fundamental role in the organization, viralization and decentralization of the social movement, due to their heterogeneous audience, multichannelity, horizontal organization and immediacy, which succeeded in spreading the movement throughout the national territory. / Trabajo de investigación

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / It has become imperative in the current context of Brazilian public school the reading practices as an agenda of constant reflection and research for alternatives that can contribute to the development of the reading comprehension in various levels of middle school students, given the Saeb data and Prova Brasil (2014), whose large-scale assessments showed difficulties of the students to select implicit information, inferring the meaning of a word or expression, among others; there by, indicating, serious deviations of understanding and the appropriation of the writing production, in the act of reading. Based on this fact, the present report has as a guiding objective to promote the formation of a proficient and critical reader through the analysis of Brazilian social protest songs in activities of reading and understanding the implicit textual, enabling recognize them as situated discursive practices in daily life that can contribute to the formation of active citizens in society. Was taken as theoretical support the studies of textual linguistics, the sociocultural perspective; using the sociointeractional language design, subject and text for which the textual and discursive understanding can only be understood when it exceeds the limits of decoding linguistic elements and reaches the horizons of mobilization of the socio-historical and cultural knowledge and reconstruction of these within a communication situation in a given context. Therefore, we used a qualitative research, with the methodological approach by the application of didactics sequence in a 9th grade of elementary school, that used the song of social protest genre as mediator. Taking into account the proposal prepared for the research and what was executed, it is possible to say that the understanding of the text work from the songs analysis is configured as a positive and effective alternatives, as the students found new forms of meanings construction for the studied texts. The results obtained from this work fulfilled the ultimate goal of this trajectory that is becoming theoretical and practical support for the development of a concrete tool for socialization of experienced knowledge: the Pedagogical Section, whose main purpose is to share successful experiences with other Portuguese-speaking teachers in teaching and in the reading learning process. / Tornou-se imperativo, no atual contexto da escola pública brasileira, que as práticas de leitura sejam pauta de constante reflexão e da busca por alternativas que colaborem para o desenvolvimento da compreensão leitora dos alunos do ensino fundamental (EF), em vários níveis, haja vista os dados do Saeb e da Prova Brasil (2014), cujas avaliações em larga escala apontaram dificuldades dos discentes para selecionar informações implícitas, inferir o sentido de uma palavra ou expressão, entre outros; indicando, desse modo, os graves desvios de compreensão e apropriação da produção escrita, no ato de ler. Partindo dessa realidade, o presente relatório tem como objetivo norteador promover a formação de um leitor proficiente e crítico por meio da análise de canções brasileiras de protesto social em atividades de leitura e compreensão dos implícitos textuais, possibilitando reconhecê-las como práticas discursivas situadas no cotidiano que contribuem com a formação de cidadãos ativos na sociedade. Tomaram-se como aporte teórico os estudos da Linguística Textual, na perspectiva sociocultural; adotando-se a concepção sociointeracional de língua, de sujeito e de texto para a qual a compreensão textual e discursiva só pode ser entendida quando ultrapassa os limites da decodificação de elementos linguísticos e alcança os horizontes da mobilização dos saberes sociohistórico e cultural e da reconstrução destes no interior de uma situação de comunicação, num dado contexto. Para tanto, adotou-se a pesquisa de cunho qualitativo, tendo como caminho metodológico a aplicação de Sequência Didática em uma turma de 9º ano (EF), que utilizou a canção de protesto social como gênero textual mediador. Levando-se em conta a proposta elaborada para a pesquisa e o que foi executado, é possível dizer que o trabalho de compreensão do texto a partir da análise de canções configurou-se como uma alternativa positiva e eficiente, na medida em que os alunos descobriram novas formas de construção de sentidos para os textos estudados. Os resultados obtidos a partir desse trabalho atendem ao objetivo final dessa trajetória, que é a elaboração de um instrumento concreto de socialização dos conhecimentos teórico-práticos vivenciados: o Caderno Pedagógico, cujo principal propósito é compartilhar experiências exitosas, testadas no ensino e na aprendizagem da leitura, com outros professores de língua portuguesa.