The relations between Turkey and the European Union and the current developments concerning this process are important issues which have direct and indirect effects on the economic, political and social dynamics in Turkey. In this context the European Union has also become an important subject of political debates in Turkey. This thesis analyses the roles and approaches of the political components within the framework of Turkish Social Democratic Movement in the process of the determination of the Turkey-European Union relations. This thesis will provide a chance to conceive how the European Union and the relations between Turkey and the European Union are considered and assessed by Turkish Social Democrats who are one of the most important components of Turkish politics that have also submitted significant contributions to the Turkey-European Union relations.

Along with a multiplicity of benefits, contemporary globalization is posing severe challenges upon individuals, states as well as the world community as a whole. In that context, this study puts forward the cosmopolitan social democracy (CSD) approach as an alternative perspective of global governance to minimize, even entirely eradicate the detrimental costs of globalization and thereby enable all to benefit from its positive outcomes.

This dissertation aims to evaluate the philosophy of Jurgen Habermas with reference to the arguments it provides for a theory of radical social democratic politics. Habermas is a German philosopher and social theorist whose broad concern is the defence and elaboration of the 'project of modernity'. This means that he wishes to justify modern, developed societies as viable and worthwhile forms of civilization. He attempts to specify and redeem the claim that these societies represent, potentially, the most advanced and rational way of organizing human life. Habermas is committed, among the various political programs which raise this kind of claim and seek to realize it in practice, to a form of radical social democracy. This tradition of theory and practice pursues the task of human emancipation by means of fundamental reforms to the social, cultural, economic and political institutions of contemporary modern societies. Habermas' work can be understood as one of the most systematic contributions to this tradition. The central question guiding the dissertation concerns the theoretical and political adequacy of this contribution. The dissertation establishes two general criteria for evaluating Habermas' work. The first criterion requires identifying the normative foundations of social democratic politics. It is argued that a 'theory of the rational' is needed to satisfy this. Such a theory must demonstrate that the social structures and political institutions of the modern epoch represent an hitherto unprecedented opportunity for the expression of the human capacity for rationality. The exposition of normative grounds for social democratic politics determines the basis for social criticism and political struggle. A theory of the rational, in other words, informs us of why we are struggling. Nonetheless, such a theory, on its own, cannot provide guidance about how to struggle. The second criterion of evaluation relates to this question of 'how', of what theoretical direction can be given to political practice. The dissertation contends, in this regard, that a 'theory of the irrational' is necessary. It is argued that a theory of the irrational offers a framework for orienting social movements in struggles against those obstacles which stand in the way of a further expansion of rationality. Such a theory seeks to understand the irrationality of human life in an effort to recommend political strategies that can intervene prudently in the current state of affairs. It is maintained that a satisfactory construction of both theories is essential for an adequate comprehension of radical social democratic politics. The dissertation pursues this argument by clarifying the nature of three dimensions of 'critique' within Habermas' oeuvre. Conceptions of critique represent methodological frameworks for formulating theories of the rational and the irrational. Habermas deploys these methods of critique throughout his work. It is argued, however, that his application of critique focuses primarily on providing a theory of the rational. The central thesis is that while he offers the rudiments of a theory of the irrational, this theory is underdeveloped. Since this theory addresses the question of how social movements are to struggle, it is argued that Habermas' approach lacks a practical dimension. The dissertation concludes that his contribution in this regard needs to be elaborated more consistently and in more detail. The dissertation represents an internal analysis of Habermas' work. It seeks to ascertain whether his theory achieves the philosophical and political goals required by the tradition of thought to which it belongs. The dissertation contributes to the critical literature on Habermas' writings in three substantial ways. First, it establishes a framework for understanding how the separate elements of his theory fit together. The identification of general criteria with respect to which a theory of social democracy is to be evaluated means that the political purposes of these various elements can be understood more clearly. The tensions between them can also be illustrated. Second, with the help of this framework, the dissertation expands upon and sharpens longstanding criticisms of Habermas' thinking which have pointed to a missing practical dimension. Third, the dissertation identifies theoretical resources, elaborated by Habermas himself, which it is argued can be used to overcome these problems of impracticality. With this, the dissertation also contributes, in a more indirect way, to the current debate about the meaning of and possibilities for social democratic politics.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:35:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseLFPB.pdf: 965569 bytes, checksum: afc4ad6da57636c31f2835e1121de7e7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-05-30 / The Brazilian marxist current educators who criticize the educational policies from the 1995 to 2002 Fernando Henrique Cardoso governments, in Brazil, start analysing about the circumstances of a neo-liberal government, strongly marked by the weight of international financial agencies which impose educational policies profiles that in order to guarantee the capitalist accumulation, these policies have a character of strong exclusion. We highlight Gaudêncio Frigotto and Pablo Gentili, as expressions from this group of educators. The question they point out as fundamental is the lack of democracy in the relations between the State and society and also in the several social instances, that prevent from the possibility of the great majority of Brazilians characterize themselves as citizens. This work recognizes all the criticized elements as legitimate, but seek to problemize the format how to elaborate the critique itself, because there is in its formulations a bet in democracy and as an outcome, a belief in education as a social changing area, elements proper to the liberal thinking, that reinforce the myth of a redempting school. Considering the affiliation of the authors to marxism, we indicate the inheritage of social-democracy and the determined use they make of marxism, as the closest identification with the theoretical formulation from the authors studied here. / Os educadores marxistas brasileiros contemporâneos que efetuam a crítica às políticas educacionais dos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, de 1995 a 2002, no Brasil, partem de uma análise sobre as circunstâncias de um governo neoliberal, fortemente marcado pelo peso das agências financeiras internacionais, as quais impõem perfis de políticas educacionais que, para garantir a acumulação capitalista, são políticas de caráter fortemente excludente. Destacamos Gaudêncio Frigotto e Pablo Gentili, como expressão desse grupo de educadores. A questão que apontam como fundamental é a ausência de democracia nas relações entre Estado e sociedade e também nas diversas instâncias sociais, que impedem a possibilidade de grande parte dos brasileiros caracterizarem-se enquanto cidadãos. Este trabalho reconhece todos os elementos criticados como legítimos, mas procura problematizar a forma como se elabora a crítica, já que entende haver nas suas formulações uma aposta na democracia e, como decorrência dela, uma crença na educação como espaço de transformação social, elementos próprios ao pensamento liberal, que reforçariam o mito da escola redentora. Considerando a filiação dos autores ao marxismo, indicamos a herança da social-democracia e o uso determinado que fazem do marxismo, como a mais próxima identificação com a formulação teórica dos autores aqui estudados.

A proposta desta dissertação é analisar como os governos de esquerda da América Latina contribuem ou não para a construção, desenvolvimento e consolidação de uma cultura democrática na região. A partir da experiência recente de Brasil e de Venezuela, que representam hoje os dois modelos dominantes da esquerda latino-americana, investiga-se se os resultados sociais obtidos estimulam ou não a confiança dos cidadãos no regime democrático. Para alcançar esse objetivo, verifica-se se houve ou não avanço em educação e saúde nos dois países entre 1990 e 2008. Tal diagnóstico é confrontado com a opinião de brasileiros e venezuelanos sobre a satisfação com a vida cotidiana e com o grau de apoio à democracia no mesmo período. A partir dos dados analisados, pode-se concluir que há avanços, no entanto, as medidas implementadas na área social são insuficientes para se consolidar a dimensão social da democracia e fortalecer substancialmente a cultura democrática. / The proposal of this dissertation is to examine how the governments on the left in Latin America contribute or not contribute to the construction, development and consolidation of a democratic culture in the region. Since the recent experience in Brazil and Venezuela, which now represent the two dominant models of the Latin American left, investigates whether the results obtained social stimulate or no public confidence in the democratic system. To achieve this goal, it is whether there is progress in education and health in both countries between 1990 and 2008. This diagnosis is confronted with the view of Brazilians and Venezuelans on satisfaction with life and the degree of support for democracy in the same period. From the data, it can be concluded that there is progress, however, the measures implemented in the social area are insufficient to strengthen the social dimension of democracy and substantially strengthen the democratic culture.

Denna uppsats undersöker såväl den svenska som den europeiska socialdemokratins strävan efter att i första världskrigets kölvatten inleda socialiseringens av ekonomin. Denna strävan grundade sig på Andra internationalens tolkningar av Marx och utgjorde under socialdemokratins inledande decennier primärmålet för rörelsen. Uppsatsen syftar till att närmare utreda den politiska och teoretiska kontext inom vilken socialiseringsfrågan kom att aktualiseras mellan åren 1918-1920; vilka modeller som arbetades fram och varifrån dessa var sprungna, samt varför socialiseringsförsöken strandade.

A proposta desta dissertação é analisar como os governos de esquerda da América Latina contribuem ou não para a construção, desenvolvimento e consolidação de uma cultura democrática na região. A partir da experiência recente de Brasil e de Venezuela, que representam hoje os dois modelos dominantes da esquerda latino-americana, investiga-se se os resultados sociais obtidos estimulam ou não a confiança dos cidadãos no regime democrático. Para alcançar esse objetivo, verifica-se se houve ou não avanço em educação e saúde nos dois países entre 1990 e 2008. Tal diagnóstico é confrontado com a opinião de brasileiros e venezuelanos sobre a satisfação com a vida cotidiana e com o grau de apoio à democracia no mesmo período. A partir dos dados analisados, pode-se concluir que há avanços, no entanto, as medidas implementadas na área social são insuficientes para se consolidar a dimensão social da democracia e fortalecer substancialmente a cultura democrática. / The proposal of this dissertation is to examine how the governments on the left in Latin America contribute or not contribute to the construction, development and consolidation of a democratic culture in the region. Since the recent experience in Brazil and Venezuela, which now represent the two dominant models of the Latin American left, investigates whether the results obtained social stimulate or no public confidence in the democratic system. To achieve this goal, it is whether there is progress in education and health in both countries between 1990 and 2008. This diagnosis is confronted with the view of Brazilians and Venezuelans on satisfaction with life and the degree of support for democracy in the same period. From the data, it can be concluded that there is progress, however, the measures implemented in the social area are insufficient to strengthen the social dimension of democracy and substantially strengthen the democratic culture.

The Social Democratic MEP mandate performance has certain specific features which distinguish it from mandates of members of other EP fractions. The theoretical part of this thesis focuses on the historical context of European Social Democracy and challenges which it must currently face (euroscepticism, consequences of economic crisis etc.). Furthermore, it considers the role of the Party of European Socialists the whole process. The practical part of this thesis consists of guided interviews with EP Members for ČSSD and SMER - sociálna democracia. The aim of this thesis is to assess the degree of European Social Democracy's Europeanization and differences in national and European aspects of the character of Social Democratic MEP mandate.

This thesis studies the Swedish Social Democratic Party’s journal Tiden and its ideological changes between traditional social democracy and neoliberalism 1973–1990. Earlier research has shown that this period shaped the contemporary social democracy and society to a great extent. The study is conducted through quantification of the ideological content of articles concerning state, market, and capitalism to get an insight into how the party’s ideology changed during the period. The result has also been compared to the party’s electoral losses in the 1970s. The result shows that the early 1970s were a period characterized by a dominant traditional social democratic ideology. This changed drastically by the end of the ‘70s and in the early ‘80s. At this point, there was a surge in articles that expressed a neoliberal ideology to some extent. This neoliberal tendency peaked in 1990. However, there was not a complete shift from traditional social democracy to neoliberalism. Instead, there was a slow integration of neoliberal views into the old rhetoric. These neoliberal views concerned the market, the extent of the welfare state, and the freedom of choice regarding the welfare state. The view on the working class and capitalism also changed throughout the period. This resulted in a state of social neoliberalism. Social neoliberalism is a practice where conditions for austerity politics, a free market, and private influence in the welfare sector are created through a strong bureaucratic welfare state. This change from traditional social democracy to social neoliberalism is thought to be a result of the new economic and political environment and the party’s electoral losses in 1976 and 1979.

The Social Democrats in Denmark and Sweden have dominated the socio-politicalspectrum for decades with a discourse based on the principles of solidarity, equality andfreedom. Since the migrant crisis hit the European Union in 2015, these parties havestrengthened their discourse towards migration and migrant incorporation concerningtheir access to the welfare system. The use of identity for theory, together with thevariables of national identity, the rise of far-right parties, the troublesome fitting ofnational identity and the EU and the economic revision will be analysed in this thesis. Byusing an ideal type analysis for a method, this thesis will explore the shift in the discoursefrom the Social Democrats by looking at their political programs before and after themigrant crisis to find out the changes Third Country Nationals have these days whenaccessing the system and try to obtain social benefits.