Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Cold War was regarded as a struggle between East and West, and was based on ideological differences, socialism as opposed to capitalism. Socialism represented a dictatorship as opposed to capitalism and democracy. This war was mainly between America and Russia and direct confrontation was avoided. Countries worldwide were involved. The Soviet Union’s policy of expansionism and the effects of dictatorship could have detrimentally effected the free West. Although the Cold War intensified after the Second World War (SWW), the mistrust between the main roleplayers was already evident during the SWW. South Africa’s domestic circumstances and policy pertaining to communism involved the country in the Cold War. The founding and growth of the Communist Party and communism in South Africa occurred in phases. After its establishment it was linked to the Comintern, the central organisation in Russia. The establishment of socialism here was to be according to certain strategies. Initially it was a white party and the aim was a white socialist South Africa. This approach was altered by the Comintern. The party was politically on an island. The membership was also too small. In order to give effect to the revolutionary goal, drastic changes were necessary. Black people were recruited and co-operation with black organisations gained momentum. A socialist black Republic became the focus. The domestic politics since formation of the Union was dominated by whites and driven mainly by two parties who alternated government until 1948. The one being conservative and the other more liberal. The 1948 elections won by the conservative National Party (NP) had a profound influence on the internal affairs of the country. Racial discrimination, which already existed, was in line with the policy of a white South Africa where whites ruled and was extended and confirmed by legislation. The aspirations of black people for political and social justice were declined. Separate development of black people was to satisfy those aspirations. Brown people and Indians would have been dealt with in other uncertain ways. Communism was rejected and legislation introduced against it. The domestic policy based on race and racial division created a more divided society. However, the discrimination attracted resistance from black people who organised themselves. In this peroid of growing resistance, communists usurped into black organisations. During this oversight period, Korea went through two important moments. The first was with the internal uprising in the south within the vacuum which was created after Japan, as colonial ruler of Korea, was forced to surrender during the SWW. The uprising was successfully suppressed. The second was the Korean War. By an earlier agreement it was decided that Korea will be divided. America would be entrusted with the management of the South, and Russia in the North. With the support of Russia, North Korea invaded and attacked the South with the aim of subjection. With the outbreak of the war North Korea was communistic and South Korea capitalistic and democratic. Under the auspices of the UNO and the leadership of America this onslaught was successfully fended off. Various countries, including South Africa, participated. Participation in the war was primarily based on the country’s internal affairs and the rejection of communism and ... The Korean War was covered by the media in South Africa. For the purpose of this study, discussion of the media coverage is narrowed to that of two Cape daily newspapers. The coverage does not deal with any battles, but rather the reason for the war, the attitude of the government towards the war, the military personnel and their achievements and the costs of the war. Lastly, a review of the uncritical reporting of the media and a possible explanation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Koue Oorlog was gesien as ‘n stryd tussen die Ooste en Weste, gegrond op ‘n ideologiese verskil. Dit was sosialisme teenoor kapitalisme. Sosialisme het ‘n diktatuur verteenwoordig teenoor kapitalisme en demokrasie. Hierdie oorlog was hoofsaaklik tussen Amerika en Rusland, met vermyding van direkte konfrontasie. Lande wêreldwyd is betrek. Die ekspansionistiese beleid van die Sowjetunie en die gevolge van ‘n diktatuur kon die vrye Weste negatief beïnvloed. Al het die Koue Oorlog na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog (TWO) toegeneem, was die wantroue tussen die hoofrolspelers gedurende die TWO sigbaar. Suid-Afrika se binnelandse omstandighede en beleid oor kommunisme het die land by die Koue Oorlog betrek; Die ontstaan en opkoms van die Kommunistiese Party en kommunisme in Suid-Afrika het deur stadia gegaan. Na totstandkoming is dit by die Komintern, die sentrale organisasie in Rusland, ingeskakel. Om sosialisme te lande te vestig is sekere strategieë bepaal. Aanvanklik was dit ‘n wit party met ‘n wit sosialistiese Suid-Afrika as doel. Hierdie benadering het in opdrag van die Komintern verander. Polities was die party op ‘n eiland. Die getalle was ook te klein. Om by die rewolusionêre doelwit uit te kom moes dringende aanpassings kom. Swartmense is gewerf en samewerking met swart organisasies het momentum gekry. Die fokus het na ‘n swart sosialistiese Republiek verskuif; Die binnelandse politiek sedert Unie-wording in 1910 is deur witmense binne hoofsaaklik twee partye gedryf wat afwisselend tot 1948 regeer het. Die een meer konserwatief en die ander meer liberaal. Die 1948-verkiesing wat deur die konserwatiewe Nasionale Party (NP) gewen is, het ‘n ingrypende uitwerking op die binnelandse sake van die land gehad. Die rassediskriminasie wat reeds bestaan het was in lyn met ‘n beleid van ‘n wit Suid- Afrika waar wit regeer het en ook deur wetgewing uitgebrei en bevestig is. Die aspirasies van swartmense vir politieke en sosiale geregtigheid is afgewys. Afsonderlike ontwikkeling van swart mense moes daardie aspirasies bevredig. Bruinmense en Indiërs sou op ander onsekere wyses hanteer word. Kommunisme is verwerp en wetgewing is teen dit ingestel. Die binnelandse beleid op grond van ras en rasseskeiding het ‘n verder verdeelde samelewing geskep. Hierdie diskriminasie het weerstand vanaf swartmense uitgelok wat hulself organisatories begin rig het. Kommuniste is mettertyd binne hierdie groeiende weerstand in swart organisasies opgeneem. Korea het gedurende die oorsigtyd twee belangrike momente beleef. Die eerste was die binnelandse opstande in die suide wat binne die vakuum onstaan het nadat Japan, as koloniale heerser van Korea, tydens die TWO tot oorgawe gedwing is. Die opstande is suksesvol onderdruk. Die tweede was die Koreaanse Oorlog. By ‘n vroeëre ooreenkoms is bepaal dat Korea in twee sal verdeel. Bestuur van die suide sal aan Amerika toevertrou word, met Rusland in die noorde. Met ondersteuning van Rusland het Noord-Korea die suide binnegeval om dit geweldadig te onderwerp. Onder gesag van die VVO en onder leiding van Amerika is hierdie aanslag suksesvol teengestaan. Verskeie lande, waaronder Suid-Afrika, het deelgeneem. Met die oorlog was Noord-Korea kommunisties en Suid- Korea kapitalisties en demokraties. Deelname aan die oorlog was hoofsaaklik as gevolg van Suid-Afrika se binnelandse toestand en die afwysing van kommunisme; en Die Koreaanse Oorlog is deur die media in Suid-Afrika gedek. Vir doeleindes van hierdie studie word bespreking van die mediadekking vernou tot dié van twee Kaapse dagblaaie. Die dekking behandel nie die veldslae nie, maar eerder die agtergrond tot en rede vir die oorlog, die ingesteldheid van die regering tot die oorlog, die militêre personeel en hulle prestasies en die koste van deelname. Dan, ‘n oorsig oor die kritieklose verslaggewing van die media en ‘n moontlike verklaring daarvoor.

This thesis proposes that Christian mission in South Africa should be understood in terms of liberation. To achieve this aim, the author listens attentively to Black Theology, and then responds from a position of solidarity to the double challenge which it poses: a negation of traditional mission and an affirmation of liberating mission. Since black theologians grapple with the concrete implications of their blackness, a white theologian needs to make a consciously white =esponse in order to do justice to it. Since Black Theology emerged out of the Black Consciousness movement and developed in dialogue with it, the study begins with an examination of the theory and praxis of the Black Consciousness movement. Then follows an overview of the two phases of Black Theology in South Africa, in which the emphasis is placed on the organisations and events which embodied this approach, rather than on individual theologians. In the systematic analysis of Black Theology, attention is first given to the element of negation. In this section the five inte=related dimensions of South African Christianity which cause black suffering are examined. Then an analysis is made of the element of affirmation: the liberating action proposed by black theologians for the eradication of suffering and the attainment of new human beings in a new South Africa. Since Black Theology has an holistic understanding of mission, attention is given to personal, ecclesial and societal dimensions. The final section is a white response to this double challenge. First, it develops the notion of liberating mission and conversian in the white community. Secondly it establishes a number of fundamental criteria for liberating mission. This final part draws conclusions from the analysis done in the earlier parts, and asks critical questions about some aspects of Black Theology. In this way the basis is laid for white involvement in liberating mission and for ongoing interaction with Black Theology. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

Text in Afrikaans / Art History, Visual Arts & Musicology / D.Mus. (Musiekwetenskap)

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa consists of a vast, culturally diverse population, entrenched in customary tribal influences which are essentially based on stringent patriarchal directives. These spilt over into other societal spheres, one of which is the media, which is part of an existing male hegemonic society. The rationale for this study is essentially to determine the role played by the media in their representation of women, before and shortly after the liberation of South Africa. This study will establish whether the voices of women were represented, or not, in the media, in the period shortly after the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC) and affiliated organisations in 1990. By interviewing and recording the oral histories of a few female ANC Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) soldiers, the need is evident to, through this oral tradition process, give a voice to these voiceless women. The theoretical foundations for this study is firstly based on “womanism”. Womanism was born from the shortcomings of feminism (a largely Western concept) that was unable to address the issues unique to the situation of black women. A second theoretical point of departure is the Social Responsibility Theory, a media theory that could, based on research done for this study, play a profound role to the benefit of women. The methodological investigation is based on a mixed method research approach where Content Analysis (CA) and Grounded Theory (GT) are triangulated with the literature review. The GT processes gave a voice to some unknown female MK soldiers by conducting interviews based on in-depth interview questions. The CA process led to the conclusion that the voices of women who contributed to the struggle were largely ignored by the media. The researcher found that given the contributions and sacrifices women have made in democratising South Africa, acknowledgement of these efforts are sorely lacking, especially in the media. This study therefore seeks to contribute to the lost and repressed voices of women, and to redress a history of omission to a history of commission. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika beskik oor 'n kultureel diverse bevolking met tradisionele stam-invloede wat essensieel gebaseer is op streng patriargale riglyne. Dit het oorgespoel na ander sosiale kontekste, waarvan een die media is, en wat deel uitmaak van 'n bestaande manlike hegemoniese gemeenskap. Die rasionaal vir hierdie studie was om vas te stel watter rol die media gespeel het in die representasie van vroue kort ná die eerste stappe tot 'n bevryde Suid-Afrika. Hierdie studie wou vasstel of die stemme van vroue verteenwoordig was, of nie, in die media, in die tydperk kort ná die ontbanning van die African National Congress (ANC) en ander geaffilieerde organisasies in 1990. Die veronderstelling is dat vrouestemme nie in die media waarneembaar was nie, en dat die situasie teengewerk kan word deur die toepassing van mondelinge geskiedenis. In hierdie geval is die verhale van 'n paar vroulike Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK)-soldate geboekstaaf om sodoende deur die mondelinge geskiedenistradisie 'n stem te gee aan stemlose vroue. Die teoretiese grondslag vir hierdie studie is eerstens gebaseer op “Womanism”. Dié teorie het ontstaan weens die tekortkominge van Feminisme (grootliks ‟n Westerse konsep), wat nie in staat was om die kwessies wat uniek is aan die situasie van swart vroue aan te spreek nie. 'n Tweede teoretiese vertrekpunt is die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie. Gebaseer op die navorsing vir hierdie studie, kan dit 'n groter rol in die media in die belang van vroue speel. Die metodologie is gebaseer op 'n gemengde metode-navorsingsbenadering waar Inhoudsanalise en Grounded Theory (GT) trianguleer met die literatuurstudie. Die GT-proses gee 'n stem aan 'n paar onbekende vroulike MK-soldate deur onderhoudvoering wat op in-diepte onderhoudvrae gebaseer is. Die inhoudsanalise proses het bevind dat vroue wat bygedra het tot die Vryheidstryd grootliks deur die media geïgnoreer is. Gegewe die bydraes en opofferings wat vroue gemaak het in die demokratisering van Suid-Afrika, ontbreek erkenning van hul pogings in ons geskiedskrywing, en beslis so in die media. Hierdie studie was 'n poging om by te dra tot die omkeer van hierdie situasie, naamlik om 'n “geskiedenis van uitsluiting” te herstel na 'n “geskiedenis van insluiting”.

Text in Afrikaans / Art History, Visual Arts and Musicology / D.Mus. (Musiekwetenskap)

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After the First World War (1914-1918) – the first “total war” in modern history, where whole populations, not just military forces, became participants in the war effort, the potential power of propaganda was realised, through the exploitation of mass communication media to manipulate public opinion. Alongside politico-diplomatic, economic and military manoeuvres, governments needed to mobilise the minds of their population to secure support, to mobilise them behind the war policy and to avoid discontent and dissension. This was particularly crucial to South Africa during the Second World War (1939-1945), especially as the country was threatened by deeply ingrained political tensions and internal divisions. The wartime Union, under General Jan Smuts, experienced an escalation of political extremism and militancy from radical sections of white Afrikaner nationalists who opposed the government’s war policy. Furthermore, some elements within even the Union Defence Force (UDF) displayed disloyal tendencies which threatened the morale of the armed forces. Thus, in response, the government waged a massive propaganda campaign during the war aimed at stimulating recruitment, at preserving national morale, at combating anti-war resistance and at minimising disruptions to the implementation of its war policy. To this end, the authorities exploited information avenues such as radio broadcasts, the press, films, mobile recruiting tours and military demonstrations for publicity and propaganda purposes. As propaganda delivery channels, radio, the press and films were potentially powerful. However, the strategy pursued by the authorities failed to maximise their full impact. The government also did not enjoy a media monopoly for the conduct of its war propaganda. The SABC continued operating independently and its airtime was not handed over to the authorities. Similarly, while the government relied on the support of sympathetic newspaper editors for its propaganda campaign, newspapers themselves sometimes ignored censorship regulations and published material which was unhelpful to the national war effort. Meanwhile, the opposition press also contested the propaganda terrain by waging anti-war campaigns. Films were the weakest link due to limited government control, production obstacles and an English language dominance which alienated the majority of white Afrikaans speakers. Another problem was persistent rivalry among various official and semiofficial propaganda agencies and a lack of clarity over a common propaganda policy. When it came to recruitment, government propaganda achieved particularly limited success. Despite patriotic appeals for volunteer enlistment, the shortage of manpower remained a persistent problem throughout the war. Alongside this, social and economic problems such as food and housing shortages also had a negative impact on public morale. The positive reach of propaganda efforts within the military, especially education, information and social welfare services, was also limited in that they were unable to dispel dissatisfaction resulting from poor service conditions, military policies, and the growing influence of war weariness. Towards the end of hostilities, there was a perceptible decline in troop discipline and morale. In general, therefore, the Union government’s overall war publicity and propaganda effort failed to produce a solid sense of national war cohesion or war unity. Although the country remained stable and was able to sustain war participation, it could not be said that South Africa’s leadership was able to persuade inhabitants – whether white or black - to participate in the Second World War as a war to be embraced as a people’s war. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Eerste Wêreldoorlog (1914-1918), die eerste “totale oorlog” in kontemporêre geskiedenis waartydens nie net militêre magte nie, maar hele gemeenskappe by die oorlogspoging betrek is, het die potensiaal van propaganda om die openbare mening met behulp van die massamedia te manipuleer, tuisgebring. Naas polities-diplomatiese, ekonomiese en militêre maneuvrering, moes regerings ook die gesindheid van die bevolking beïnvloed om hulle agter die oorlogspoging te skaar en twis en tweedrag te vermy. Gesindheidsbeïnvloeding was vir die Unieregering van kardinale belang gedurende die Tweede Wêreldoorlog (1939-1945), aangesien Suid-Afrika onder diepgaande politieke verdeeldheid en interne spanning oor die oorlogskwessie gebuk gegaan het. Die Smuts-bewind het hewige politieke druk en militante weerstand ervaar van Afrikanernasionaliste wat teen die regering se oorlogsbeleid gekant was. Ontevrede elemente in die Unieverdedigingsmag (UVM) het insgelyks dislojale neigings openbaar, wat die moraal van die gewapende magte ondermyn het. Die regering het gevolglik gedurende die oorlog ’n omvattende propagandaveldtog van stapel gestuur om weerstand teen sy oorlogspoging te beveg, ontwrigting in die implementering van die oorlogsbeleid tot ’n minimum te beperk, die werwing van soldate te bevorder en die nasionale moraal hoog te hou. Die Smuts-regering het ’n verskeidenheid van instrumente, waaronder radio-uitsendings, die gedrukte media, rolprente, mobiele werwingsveldtogte en miltêre demonstrasies, vir hul reklame- en propagandaveldtogte ingespan. Die regering se propagandastrategieë het egter nie dié kragtige instrumente optimaal uitgebuit om maksimum trefkrag te verseker nie. Daarby het die regering ook nie ’n monopolie oor alle mediaplatvorms vir geniet om hul propagandaveldtogte te bedryf nie. Die SAUK het onafhanklik gefunksioneer en min lugtyd aan die regering afgestaan om radio-uitsendings vir publisiteit en propagande te benut. Die regering het voorts sterk op koerantredakteurs gesteun om hul propagandaveldtog te bevorder, maar redakteurs het soms sensuurregulasies geïgnoreer en artikels geplaas wat regeringsbeleid ondermyn het. Die opposisiepers het uiteraard ook die regeringspropaganda met anti-oorlogpropaganda beveg. Rolprente was die swakste skakel in die regering se reklame- en propagandastelsels vanweë hul swak beheer daaroor, ’n gebrek aan tegniese vaardigheid, die hoë koste van rolprentproduksies, asook die oorheersing van die bedryf deur die Engelse taal, wat die meerderheid Afrikaanssprekendes die harnas ingejaag het. ’n Verdere probleem was die voortdurende wedywering tussen die verskillende amptelike en halfamptelike propaganda-agentskappe. Dit was veral die gebrek aan ’n duidelike propaganda-beleid wat tot oorvleueling en mededinging gelei het. Wat werwingspropaganda betref, het die regering beperkte sukses behaal. Naas ’n beroep op pligsbesef, eer en glorie, het die regering oor geen hefkrag beskik om werwing te bevorder nie. ’n Gebrek aan mannekrag het derhalwe die UVM dwarsdeur die oorlog gekortwiek in weerwil van die regering se omvattende reklame- en propagandaprogramme. Teen 1945 het slegs sowat 330 000 uit die Unie se bevolking van nagenoeg tien miljoen vir vrywillige krygsdiens aangemeld. Sosio-ekonomiese uitdagings soos ’n gebrek aan voedselvoorrade en behuising het ook negatief op die openbare en burgerlike moraal ingewerk. Interne propaganda in die UVM, veral deur middel van die opvoedings-, informasie- en welsynsdienste, het ook beperkte sukses behaal as gevolg van ontevredenheid met militêre beleid, swak diensvoorwaardes en oorlogsmoegheid. Dié ontevredenheid het moraal en dissipline ondermyn en teen die einde van die oorlog tot uitdagende gedrag en oproer onder die troepe gelei. Oor die algemeen genome, was die Unie-regering se totale reklame- en propagandapoging dus oneffektief. Alhoewel die hele die stelsel nie in duie gestort het nie en Unie se oorlogspoging sonder groot ontwrigting voortgegaan het, het oorlogsmoegheid, oneffektiewe beleide en die invloed van sosio-ekonomiese probleme uiteindelik tot openbare en militêre ontnugtering gelei.

The Kairos Document ('KD' or 'Document') burst onto the socio-political and ecclesiastical scene in South Africa in 1985, presenting to churches, communities-of-faith and individuals the challenge of a decisive moment in the history of Christian opposition to Apartheid. The nature and extent of reactions and responses to the document exceeded the authors wildest dreams and most optimistic of expectations. This study traces the contours and discerns the patterns of reactions against and resonances with the Document in South Africa and within the international ecumenical community. The main focus of this research, however, is on the propensity and capacity of the institutionalised churches - and in particular the English-speaking churches in South Africa - to respond positively and constructively to a prophetic challenge, such that which emanated from the KD and the subsequent Kairos movement. One of the English-speaking churches, the United Congregational Church of Southern Africa (UCCSA), is singled out in this thesis and subjected to an extended examination and analysis, relative to its response to the challenge of the Document. The main reason for this special reference to the UCCSA is that this church denomination had embarked on a major process of ecclesiastical and denominational transformation in its response to the challenge of Kairos. It is 'upon this process of transformation within the UCCSA that I seek to critically reflect and to draw some learnings from the prophetic legacy of the Document. The UCCSA also happens to be the church denomination in which I have been nurtured in Christian faith, practice and ministry. The work, worship and witness of this church is therefore the primary frame of reference and ecclesiastical context in which my own prophetic consciousness has been awakened and shaped. I am, as such, acutely aware that my research on the responses to the KD by the UCCSA is being undertaken from the perspectives of an insider and that my passion for and commitment to the prophetic role of the Church makes me no neutral observer. It is my contention, however, that the above factors neither compromise nor diminish the academic credibility and ecumenical significance of this study. On the contrary, my strategic positioning within the UCCSA enables me to undertake such research from a privileged vantage point of first-hand experience, readily accessible data and greater understanding which derives from such close proximity. Needless to say, I shall endeavour to be as rigorous and critical as possible in my appraisal of the UCCSA's response which, in the final analysis, is an integral part of my overall critique of the nature of the churches' responses to the prophetic challenge of the KD. / Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1998.

Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2006. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The use of military force to suppress internal unrest has been an integral part of South African history. The European colonisation of South Africa from 1652 was facilitated by the use of force. Boer commandos and British military regiments and volunteer units enforced the peace in outlying areas and fought against the indigenous population as did other colonial powers such as France in North Africa and Germany in German South West Africa, to name but a few. The period 1912 to 1945 is no exception, but with the difference that military force was used to suppress uprisings of white citizens as well. White industrial workers experienced this military suppression in 1907, 1913, 1914 and 1922 when they went on strike. Job insecurity and wages were the main causes of the strikes and militant actions from the strikers forced the government to use military force when the police failed to maintain law and order. Public reaction to the use of force was strong and the government, particularly Gen. J.C. Smuts, was severely criticised resulting in a defeat in the 1924 election. Over the period 1921 to 1932 indigenous populations in South Africa and South West Africa such as the Israelites (1921), the Bondelswarts (1922), the Rehoboth Basters (1925) and the Ukuambi (1932), were suppressed through punitive expeditions by the police and military forces of the Union of South Africa. The indigenous populations were a.o. grieved by the government’s implementation of branding laws, enforced indentured labour, dog and hut tax. The government’s prevailing racial policy of that time, manifested in a master and servant attitude towards the indigenous populations, exacerbated an existing grievance of restrictive political rights. The government reacted quickly and economically in suppressing any indigenous population’s protests involving militant action. Although the use of aeroplanes was criticised, it was a force multiplier and greatly assisted the small number of police and military forces deployed in minimising casualties on both sides. The government also had to suppress militant Afrikaner uprisings during the First and Second World Wars. In 1914 and 1915, prominent Afrikaner leaders and veterans of the Anglo-Boer War reacted militantly against the government’s participation in the First World War. Gen. L. Botha and Gen. Smuts were the architects of their suppression through quick mobilisation of the Active Citizen Force, using mostly Afrikaans speaking volunteers. The period between the two world wars saw the growth of the Afrikaners on a political, social and limited economical level. This gave rise to further dispute on political and social levels when the government once again opted to fight alongside Britain in the Second World War. Old animosities between the Afrikaners and British were relived and militant elements within Afrikaner society mobilised to impede this participation. The government resorted to using the Union Defence Forces and SA Police to facilitate internment, for spying and to guard strategic objectives in an effort to prevent sabotage and other serious damage to the war effort. Smuts received severe criticism from mostly Afrikaners who were against participation in the war, and the general public who had to suffer under the conditions of martial law. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die gebruik van militêre mag in die onderdrukking van interne onrus is ‘n algemene verskynsel in die geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika. Sedert 1652 het die Europese koloniale besetting van Suid-Afrika gepaard gegaan met geweld. Boerekommando’s en Britse militêre regimente en vrywilligereenhede het die vrede in verafgeleë gebiede gehandhaaf en die plaaslike bevolkings onderwerp, net soos ander koloniale moondhede, byvoorbeeld, Frankryk in Noord-Afrika en Duitsland in Duits-Suidwes-Afrika gedoen het. Die periode van 1912 tot 1945 was geen uitsondering nie, maar met die verskil dat opstande ook onder die blanke bevolking onderdruk is. In 1907, 1913, 1914 en 1922 het die blanke industriële werkers sodanige onderdrukking ervaar. Werksonsekerheid en loongeskille was die dryfkrag agter die stakings en die stakers se militante optrede het die regering gedwing om militêre mag te gebruik om die opstande te onderdruk, nadat die polisie se pogings om wet en orde te handhaaf, misluk het. Die publiek was sterk gekant teen sulke hardhandige optrede en Genl. J.C. Smuts het veral onder kritiek deurgeloop, wat tot sy politieke nederlaag gelei het. Opstandige inheemse bevolkings in Suid-Afrika en Suidwes-Afrika soos die Israeliete (1921), die Bondelswarts (1922), die Rehoboth Basters (1925) en die Ukuambi (1932) het deurgeloop onder strafekspidisies van elemente van die Unie van Suid-Afrika se polisie en weermag. Die inheemse bevolking is gegrief deur die regering se implimentering van brandmerkwette, geforseerde kontrakarbeid, hut- en hondebelasting. Die regering se rassebeleid van die tyd het ‘n meester-en-onderdaan-houding teenoor die inheemse bevolkings geskep, wat die teer kwessie van beperkte politieke regte vererger het. Opstande deur inheemse bevolkings wat militant van aard was, is op ‘n vinnige en ekonomiese manier onderdruk, dog het skerp kritiek uitgelok. Die benutting van vliegtuie om die opstande te onderdruk was ‘n magsvermenigvuldiger wat die klein polisie- en weermag gehelp het om verliese tydens die onderdukking van opstande aan beide kante te beperk. Die regering het ook opstande van Afrikanergroepe tydens die Eerste en Tweede Wêreldoorlog onderdruk. In 1914-1915 het prominente Afrikanerleiers en veterane van die Anglo-Boereoorlog militant opgeruk teen die regering in verset oor die regering se deelname aan die Eerste Wêreldoorlog. Genl. L. Botha en Genl. Smuts was die argitekte van die vinnige onderdrukking van die opstande deur die Aktiewe Burgermag op te roep en hoofsaaklik Afrikaanssprekende vrywilligers te gebruik. Die periode tussen die twee Wêreldoorloë is gekenmerk deur die groei van die Afrikaner op politieke, sosiale en in ‘n beperkte mate, ook ekonomiese gebied. Hieruit het verdere onenigheid op politieke en sosiale vlak onstaan toe die regering weer besluit het aand die kant van Brittanje tot die Tweede Wêreldoorlog toe te tree. Ou vyandighede tussen Afrikaans- en Engelssprekendes het herleef en militante elemente binne die Afrikanersamelewing het gemobiliseer om die deelname te belemmer. Die regering het die Unieverdedigingsmag en die SA Polisie gebruik vir internering, spioenering en die beveiliging van strategiese doelwitte teen sabotasie en ander aktiwiteite wat die oorlogsdeelname sou belemmer. Smuts het die meeste kritiek ontvang van Afrikaners wat gekant was teen die oorlog, asook die publiek in die algemeen wat gebuk gegaan het onder krygswet.

A Research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the Degree Masters in History of Arts at the University of Witwatersrand, 2017 / This research report has followed three periods in the history of the political struggle for freedom in South Africa, from the height of the Anti-apartheid struggle in the 1980s to the present day by way of exploring three exhibitions of resistance posters as case studies. It is located in the realm of political and art history. Looking at the positioning of the resistance poster in South African art history, the intension is to highlight how these exhibitions have used display strategies to construct values reflected in the resistance poster. The three selected exhibitions are as follows: firstly, Thami Mnyele and Medu Art Ensemble Retrospective (2008), Second is the exhibition Images of Defiance: South African poster of the 1980’s (2004). And the third exhibition Interruptions: Posters from the Community Arts Project Archive (2014). / XL2018

M.A. / During the latter part of the Eighties, a growing number of Afrikaans writers and musicians rebelled against the monolithic state of "Afrikaner-culture". The dissidents did not want to identify or be identified with the Apartheid government, and they tried alternative ways in which to live out their cultural heritage (Uys in Rathbone, 1989:25). This search for an "alternative" led to the coining of the term "Alternative Afrikaans Movement" (Altematiewe Afrikaanse Beweging) in the media. A part of the Afrikaner-culture had been appropriated by certain institutions that were seen as the "centre" (such as cultural, political and religious institutions). These institutions strove to create a monolithic culture of unity without taking into account that such "unity" may lead to stagnation of the cultural repertoire due to an abhorrence to change. Change is part of the dynamic processes of culture, and any change can be due to external and as internal factors. In the case of the Afrikaner-culture of the eighties external factors such as changes in the world politics, the fall of communism and economic sanctions, influenced the cultural centre. Internal change also played a pivotal role in the dramatic changes that Afrikaner culture underwent during the late eighties and the early nineties. The total control of the centre was rejected by entities such as the Alternative Afrikaans movement on the periphery of the culture. Theperi_phery challenged the centre with lyrics of Alternative Afrikaans Music as well as texts that were deemed "alternative" such as the novel Suidpunt-jazz by Andre Letoit. The centre _proposed an amalgamation of Afrikaner culture and Afrikaner power. The Alternative Afrikaans Movement can be likened to Degenaar's (1982:3) proposal of the morally-critical Afrikaner that wants to separate Afrikaner power and Afrikaner culture. In this study the basic premise is that culture cannot be seen as a static or isolated phenomenon. Vlasselaers (1997:14) describes the concept of culture as a poststructuralist discursive process between a multitude of networks. The complexity inherent to cultural construction has lead me to make use of systems theory in order to best accommodate the complexities. Many academics (such as Segers, Schmidt and Vlasselaers) have examined the phenomena of culture and cultural studies through literary studies "as it is inadequate to study literary texts in isolation from their contexts" (Schmidt, 1997:119). The systems theory operates as an instrument with which one may reconstruct a model of interacting items, i.e. a system. Themes voicing the rebellion of Alternative Afrikaans Movement can be discerned in the texts deemed "alternative". Thematic devices include the reappropriation of institutionalized cultural symbols such as the ox-wagon (ossewa), and the debunking of a canonized history. The Alternative Afrikaans Movement also took cognisance the socio-political milieu of the eighties into their texts in order to voice their dissatisfaction with the "official" silence maintained about the socio-political status quo. Ultimately, this investigation is a study of the workings of a "culture of difference" (Vlasselaers, 1996:17), honin_g an investigative instrument that can be applied to different cultural phenomena, including literature. This study sheds some light on the dynamics of Afrikaner-culture, and also on the invaluable role that diversity plays within a multicultural South African context.