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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study's investigation focuses on the role played by the NCOP in the national legislature as the second chamber of parliament. It looks in particular at how the NCOP has managed in its deliberations, and as mandated by the Constitution to represent provinces. Subsection 42 (4) of the Constitution stipulates that; " The NCOP represent the provinces to ensure that provincial interests are taken into account in the national sphere of government" (RSA Act 108, 1996). The question that the study seeks to answer IS: does the National Council of Provinces in its deliberations work to represent the interests of provinces in the national legislature rather than those of the party in control of the province? In answering the research question the study's approach is qualitative in nature. In other words, data collection methods were confined to documents and other important sources such as NCOP Publications namely, the NCOP News and the NCOP Review. Looking at the literature on second chambers, the study found that for second chambers to play an effective role in the legislature, the Constitution must equip them with adequate legislative powers. This means that the Constitution must give second chambers a veto on all Bills affecting their jurisdictions. Where a veto is non existent, irrespective of what legislative powers a second chamber may posses, if not elected directly by the electorate, it will suffer the accusations of rubber stamping Bills passed by the first house. The NCOP falls in the same category of second houses with no veto over Bills affecting provinces. Its legislative powers on these Bills are blunted by the NA's twothirds majority in the legislature and as a result remain a subordinate of the first house and that of the ruling party. Furthermore, administrative and communication problems experienced by the institution hinder it in its role of representing provinces. Equally so, the dominance of the ruling ANC in the provinces makes it difficult to determine whether mandates delivered by provincial legislatures carry the interests of provinces or those of the party in power. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie-ondersoek is gerig op die rol wat die NRVP (Nasionale Raad Van Provinsies), as die tweede huis van die Parlement. Die werk is spesifiek gerig op die manier hoe die NRVP vaar in hul debatvoerings, asook in hul verteenwoordiging van provinsies soos voorgeskryf in die Grondwet. Sub-artikel 42 (4) van die grondwet stipuleer dat "die NRVP verteenwoordig die provinsies om te verseker dat provinsiale belange in ag geneem word op die nasionale sfeer van die regering." (RSA Wet 108 van 1996). Die vraag wat hierdie studie poog om te antwoord, is die volgende: werk die NRVP in hul debatsvoerings om die belange van die provinsies in die nasionale wetgewer te verteenwoordig inplaas van die belange van die party in beheer van 'n spesifieke provinsie? In die beantwoording van hierdie navorsings-vraag, is die studie benadering kwalitatief in aard. Met ander woorde - data invorderings metodes was beperk tot dokumente en ander belangrike bronne soos NRVP publikasies, naamlik die "NCOP News" en die "NCOP Review". Na 'n bestudering van literatuur rondom die tweede huis van Parlement, het hierdie studie bevind dat vir die tweede huis om 'n effektiewe rol te speel in die wetgewer, die Grondwet dit moet toerus met genoegsame wetgewende magte. Dit beteken onder andere dat die grondwet die tweede huis 'n veto-reg gee oor alle wetsontwerpe wat hulle jurisdiksie raak. Waar 'n veto-reg nie bestaan nie, ongeag die wetgewende mag wat die NRVP mag hê, sal dit bieg gebuk gaan onder die beskuldiging dat dit 'n rubberstempel plaas op wetsontwerpe uitgevaardig deur die Nasionale Vergadering. Die NRVP val in dieselfde katagorie van tweede huise wat nie 'n veto-reg het oor wetsontwerpe wat provinsies raak. Die NRVP se wetgewende mag oor hierdie wetsonwerpe word geskoei op die Nasionale Vergadering se twee-derde meerderheid en gevolglik bly dit ondergeskik aan die Nasionale Vergadering. Verder, administratiewe-en kommunikasie-probleme wat ondervind word deur die liggaam, hinder dit in die rol van verteenwoordiger van die provinsies. Gelykstaande hieraan, is die dominering van die bewindvoerende party - die ANC. In die provinsies is dit moeilik om vas te stel of die voorskrifte van die provinsiale wetgewer werklik handel oor die belange van die provinsies self of die is van die party in die meerderheid.

Thesis (PhD (Sport Science))—University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Physical Education is a human movement activity driven by syllabi and educational programmes. Physical culture refers to human movement programmes with an entertainment component, but that also uses physical education activity. This study serves as an account of Physical Education and physical culture in the Coloured community of the Western Cape in the period 1837 to 1966. It offers a historical exploration of these activities in the social and political context and cuts across narrow definitions of race and class. The research also pays attention to the untold and unpleasant side of the story of Physical Education. This necessitated tracing the origin of Physical Education and physical culture back to their European roots, because of the strong political and cultural links between South Africa and Europe. The Cape Coloured petty bourgeoisie urbanite minority of the 19th and early 20th century were eager but unable to infiltrate the ranks of middle class White society. They were acutely aware of the need to show respect towards the White middle classes and also to distance themselves from the “unruly behaviour” of the working class. For this reason Physical Education and physical culture programmes became suitable means for the Coloured petty bourgeoisie to educate the “less fortunate” Coloured working class masses.

Thesis (M.A.)--Rhodes University, 1991. / Facsimile. "Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ART of Rhodes University." Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / Since the twenties the dynamic disposition of white and Coloured human relations was remarkably influenced by specific political, social and economic phenomena and change. In the social life a healthy mutual relationship prevailed. Particularly in the town centre of Stellenbosch white and Coloured residents lived side by side in undisturbed harmony. Within this rather enclosed town society, both religious and educational institutions played a vital role in the colligation and cementation of peaceful white and Coloured co-existence. Apart from this, fixed political thoughts revolving around the maintenance of “white superiority” and the supposition of “Coloured inferiority” became a severe handicap for the constancy of the relations over the long term. During the thirties economic depression, radical political ideologies and particularly an enduring tendency towards racial separation – or segregation, also made inroads into Stellenbosch. White residents mostly embraced segregation as an attempt to safeguard and maintain white control whereas most Coloured people rejected it outright. In 1938 the influence of Afrikaner nationalism and the Great Trek centennial further stimulated the political consciousness of the towns’ people. As a result of increased tension between the different groups in Stellenbosch and the social impact of the outbreak of the Second World War the entire town community became divided between two irreconcilable camps. Together with this political division, internal racial friction mounted and became inevitable. In July 1940, this racial friction reached its pinnacle when a severe town riot between white students and Coloured people erupted. Historically this was one of the most tragic events in the history of Stellenbosch. Thereafter the white and Coloured relations gradually improved despite the ongoing poor socio-economic conditions of Coloured people and the continuation of segregation at the end of the war in 1945.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / Throughout the history of South Africa, the Afrikaners have been described as a "strange society". Calvinism was a key to their lifestyle and ideology and they saw themselves as God's special instruments. Their political philosophy of separate development was to a certain extent, revolutionary and was known as "apartheid". This was an attempt to remake a society according to a socio-political ideal which was rooted in the concept of safety in power. This thesis investigates the Afrikaners with regard to their primal ancestors, the origin of their identity, their identity during the reign of the NP government and their identity in the post apartheid South Africa. Discrepancies concerning Afrikaner identity during this time are also investigated. In this thesis special emphasis is placed on the right-wing actions of the Afrikaners, their political development from the time of separation from the NP which arose from the conviction that the leaders of this party were deviating from the moral and political prescriptions of their predecessors, their ideals and visions of freedom. The right-wing tends to qualify the term “nationalism” with the term “Christian” and they therefore believe that their nationhood is widely ordained. Culture, for the right-wing means an inclusive concept which covers every aspect of their lives. Language, i.e. Afrikaans, is seen as the verbal and written expression of their national culture. This study is directed towards the right wing of Afrikaners' quest for a "volkstaat" (state nation) and specifically the foundation of Orania in the Northern Cape and investigates whether it is a viable option for Afrikaners in general to live. The right-wingers believe that the only feasible constitutional option for peace in South Africa lies in partition The origin of the volkstaat idea , the early thoughts and the development of this concept are also investigated as well as the different models and role players. The main aim of this thesis is to investigate the success of Orania as a possible growing point of a "volkstaat" for Afrikaners. The early stages in the development of this small town e.g. the purchase, their efforts in achieving autonomy, their constitutional rights, their efforts in developing their community as well as their image to the outside world are investigated. During a visit to Orania in 2005 questionnaires were handed out to residents in order to compose a social profile and to investigate domicile statistics as well as views on Afrikaner identity. Ultimately this thesis indicates that although Orania functions successfully in most instances the possibility of it serving as a growing point of a “volkstaat” needs a much larger effort and larger support from other Afrikaners.

HIV-positive adolescents are an increasingly numerous and challenging population in the South African HIV/AIDS epidemic. Their access to, and retention in, ART care has become a pressing public health concern. Comprised of four journal articles, this thesis explores the practice of antiretroviral treatment (ART) among a cohort of HIV-positive adolescents (age 10-19) in South Africa's Eastern Cape. By 'practice', I mean the volatile, situated and relational 'work' that goes into young people's everyday achievement of ART - into consuming daily medication, regularly attending health appointments, and participating in HIV programmes. Through an exploration of the ways in which some HIV-positive adolescents use, appropriate, or reject ART care; this thesis contributes to a much-needed evidence-base on the needs and survival strategies of adolescent ART users. Data for this study was gathered through eight months of multi-method ethnographic fieldwork with 23 HIV-positive youth, their families, and local health workers. The findings elucidate adolescent ART as a complex (and often volatile) form of social incorporation, through which young people negotiate survival, care and moral connection in contemporary South Africa. Enrolling in ART meant being encompassed into a (often hierarchical) set of social relationships, through which adolescents sought belonging, recognition and protection, amid profound insecurity. Through ART and its associated programmes, adolescents and their families attempted to strengthen familial ties, appeal to powerful patrons, petition for care, and access basic resources. Yet these pursuits were often deeply ambivalent, as discipline, blame, and resentment often came encased in the terms of care. At the crux of each article is an attempt to understand how adolescents, often alongside their families, negotiated both the social stakes and possibilities of ART. Through these discussions, we might better be able to grasp the fragility and complexity of young people's retention in ART.

The arid interior of South Africa lacks long, continuous and well-dated climate and environmental proxy records that can be compared with cultural sequences and with broader global climate records. This thesis develops the first substantial terrestrial environmental sequence for the interior of southern Africa at the site of Wonderwerk Cave, spanning two million years of prehistory. Changes in vegetation and humidity over time were investigated by means of carbon and oxygen stable isotope analysis on fossil herbivore enamel and ostrich eggshell, creating two independent proxy datasets. The Holocene record was used as a baseline for comparing the Pleistocene sequence, but required chronological tightening. Therefore, nine new radiocarbon dates were obtained, and calibrated and modelled with existing dates to provide a firmer chronology. The ostrich eggshell isotope record suggests arid but variable conditions, with distinct phases of increased humidity in the Early Pleistocene and mid-Holocene. Enamel stable isotope results show clear differences in local resource availability between the Early and Mid-Pleistocene, and then between the Pleistocene and Holocene, with an overall trend of increasing aridity. In particular, the onset of dietary specialisation in grazers at 0.8Ma is linked to expanding C4 grasslands. Aridity was not the driver behind the increase in C4 grasses, but changing pCO2 levels at the Mid Pleistocene transition were identified as a possible key factor. The presence of C3 and C4 grasses in the Early Pleistocene, when compared to the domination of C4 grasses today, was fostered by reduced rainfall seasonality. Regional independent developments have to be considered, as other regions in South and East Africa show C4 dominated diets in herbivores at earlier times than at Wonderwerk Cave. In the Holocene, higher temporal resolution indicates phases of environmental change coinciding with changes in the cultural record.

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The initiative of land restitution in South Africa was an advantage to some people who were forcibly removed from Korsten area, which was a mixed residential area and the only area in Port Elizabeth where Black people had freehold tenure rights. The intention of the South African land reform programme which is to restore land and transform socio-economic relations has been achieved by means of land restitution. Successful Korsten land claimants have been granted land in Fairview through the land restitution programme. The successful resolution of land claims has shown the democracy and development in the country of South Africa.