This dissertation seeks to explore how the exercise of political power and the music industry impacted each other in South Africa under apartheid during the 1980s. It does so by looking firstly at the ways in which the South African government used music to promote apartheid. Secondly, it looks at the role of South African popular musicians in the struggle against apartheid in the country, specifically their role in civil society and the methods they employed to fight apartheid while avoiding censorship. It looks at key musical developments of the decade and explores their political implications, focusing on three popular genres: bubblegum (or disco), crossover and reggae. Thirdly, it explores the role of South African music and musicians in the struggle against apartheid outside South Africa. Finally, it looks at the role of music in the international anti-apartheid movement and the contribution of the international music community to the struggle. / Political Sciences / M.A. (African Politics)

This study uses Frantz Fanon‟s thoughts on race and blackness, the black elite and black public intellectuals as the theoretical framework and examines the positionality of Sipho Seepe, Xolela Mangcu and Andile Mngxitama as black public intellectuals in order to understand how they view the post-1994 political discourse. Seepe, Mangcu and Mngxitama‟s views are studied by analysing themes emerging from newspaper columns they have written. This study reveals that the three black public intellectuals examined have been radical and forthright, though they display different understandings of race and blackness, the black elite and black public intellectuals. However, the study reveals that only Mngxitama‟s postionality has been consistently radical, whereas Seepe and Mangcu‟s views have been fluid and are now considered moderate. This study concludes by highlighting the relevance of Fanon‟s thoughts in enabling a new reading of post-1994 South Africa. Of central importance is the creation of the „new being‟, who is informed by the process of liberation, which is the antithesis of the black condition. / Political Sciences / M. A. (Politics)

Even though language formed part of the post-apartheid agenda which was set out to redress the ills of the pre-democratic South Africa, there are still concerns that the status of indigenous languages has not been elevated. Using decolonial work of Steve Biko, Ngugi wa Thiong’o and Frantz Fanon as theoretical lens, I aimed at exploring perceptions of key informants on post-apartheid language policies, young South Africans and parents /guardians toward indigenous languages. In-depth and narrative interviews were used to collect data from language policy key informants and young South Africans who started schooling after 1994 and focus group discussions with parents/guardians were held. Thematic, narrative and discourse analyses were used to analyse the data. Indigenous languages were perceived by participants as having an inferior status compared to languages of oppression and that was attributed to inferiority complex, lack of will from government to promote these languages and absent voice of indigenous language speakers in the fight for the status of indigenous languages. South Africa’s language diversity was also perceived as a challenge believed to contribute toward the difficulty of properly implementing post-apartheid language policies. The study results suggest a need for a stronger civil society which would assist in the dismantling of categorising languages as superior and inferior. Furthermore, the results point to a need for a more humanising approach which treats indigenous languages with respect. / Psychology / D. Phil. (Psychology)

Thesis (MA )--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this thesis is to assess the impact of HIV and AIDS on democratic consolidation in two democracies in Southern Africa: Botswana and South Africa. Mattes (2003), Barnett and Whiteside (2006) and others warned that in states with high HIV infection levels, the negative impact of the pandemic - especially in terms of socio-economic conditions, budgetary pressures and a loss of human capital in the state and the economy - was potentially so great that it may affect democracy detrimentally. In contrast, some scholars, particularly Anthony Butler (2005a) and Alex de Waal (2006), contended that although the pandemic had negative effects, democracies might survive it and that in some specific ways, democratic consolidation might even benefit from the its consequences. For instance, they argued that in South Africa, the civil society response to the government’s controversial HIV and AIDS policy deepened the institutional framework of democracy. The methodology for the above comparative analysis is based on the application of a minimalist multivariate model which, following the thinking of Bratton and Van de Walle (1997) consists of both institutional and socio-economic factors. Factors are selected for their relevance to democratic consolidation, as argued by scholars such as Linz and Stepan (1996), Przeworski, Alvarez, Cheibub and Limongi (1996), Bratton and Van de Walle (1997) and Leftwich (2000). The chosen factors are the system of government (the relationship between the branches of government); the electoral system; political rights and civil liberties; economic indicators (affluence, economic growth and the reduction of inequality); human development (as measured by the United Nations Development Program) and civil society. This is a descriptive, qualitative, desktop study, using secondary literature in books, as well as articles. There is no empirical component, such as fieldwork, surveys or questionnaires. As stated below, such methodology may be used for further elaboration and refining of the findings of this desktop-based comparative analysis. The main finding is that currently, despite the cost and human implications of the disease, there are no indications that it is directly threatening to destroy the democracies of Botswana or South Africa. This finding differs from the more negative expectations of the scholars mentioned above. It is suggested that the increasing provision and effectiveness of antiretroviral treatment (ART) enables these democracies and their economies to avoid some of the ravages of the disease that seemed inevitable a few years ago. Furthermore, it is suggested that the comparative affluence of the two states in question shields them from some negative effects of HIV and AIDS and that this may be different in poorer Southern African states. This is an issue for further research. Such research should go beyond desktop research to include fieldwork and questionnaires. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die impak van MIV en VIGS op demokratiese konsolidering in twee Suider-Afrikaanse demokrasieë, Botswana en Suid-Afrika, vas te stel. Mattes (2003), Barnett en Whiteside (2006) en ander het gewaarsku dat die negatiewe uitwerking van die pandemie - veral in terme van sosio-ekonomiese toestande, begrotingsdruk en ’n verlies aan menslike hulpbronne in die staat en ekonomie - potensieel so groot is dat dit demokrasie nadelig sou beïnvloed. In teenstelling hiermee het ander akademici, soos Anthony Butler (2005a) en Alex de Waal (2006), geredeneer dat demokrasieë die pandemie mag oorleef ten spyte van die negatiewe effekte wat dit wel het en dat demokrasieë selfs op sekere wyses by die gevolge daarvan mag baatvind. Byvoorbeeld, het hulle geargumenteer, in Suid-Afrika het die burgerlike samelewing se reaksie op die Mbeki-regering se kontroversiële MIV en VIGSbeleid die institusionele raamwerk van demokrasie verdiep. Die metodologie vir hierdie vergelykende analise is gebaseer op die toepassing van ’n minimalistiese multiveranderlike model. Soos gepostuleer deur Bratton en Van de Walle (1997), wat beide institusionele en sosio-ekonomiese faktore insluit. Faktore is gekies op grond van hulle relevansie tot demokratiese konsolidering (volgens vakkundiges soos Linz en Stepan (1996), Przeworski, Alvarez, Cheibub en Limongi (1996), Bratton en Van de Walle (1997) en Leftwich (2000), asook vir dié se moontlike relevansie tot demokrasieë wat spesifiek deur MIV en VIGS geaffekteer word. Die gekose faktore is die regeringstelsel (die verhouding tussen die uitvoerende, wetgewende en regsprekende gesag), die verkiesingstelsel, politieke regte en burgerlike vryhede, ekonomiese aanwysers (welvaart; ekonomiese groei en die vermindering van ongelykheid), menslike ontwikkeling (soos gemeet deur die Verenigde Nasies se Ontwikkelingsprogram) en die burgerlike samelewing. Hierdie tesis is ’n literatuurstudie van ’n beskrywende, kwalitatiewe aard. Daar is gebruik gemaak van sekondêre literatuur in boeke, asook van artikels. Daar is geen empiriese komponent soos veldwerk en meningspeilings nie. Soos hieronder beklemtoon word, kan empiriese metodes in toekomstige studies gebruik word om op die bevindinge wat hierdie navorsing opgelewer het, uit te brei en dit te verfyn. Die hoofbevinding is dat daar tans, ten spyte van die finansiële en menslike koste van MIV en VIGS, geen aanduiding is dat die siekte ‘n direkte bedreiging inhou vir die voortbestaan van demokrasie in Botswana en Suid-Afrika nie. Hierdie bevinding verskil van die meer negatiewe verwagtinge hierbo uitgespreek. Dit word voorgestel dat die toenemende voorsiening en effektiwiteit van antiretrovirale behandeling hierdie demokrasieë en hulle ekonomieë daartoe in staat stel om gedeeltelik die verwoesting van hierdie pandemie te vermy, iets wat enkele jare gelede nog as onvermydelik beskou is. Verder word die voorstel gemaak dat die impak van die pandemie op armer Suider-Afrikaanse state vergelyk behoort te word met die bevindinge wat hier aangebied word. Sulke toekomstige navorsing behoort nie net literatuurstudie in te sluit nie, maar ook veldwerk en meningsopnames.

Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / Liberation movements came into being across the entire African continent as a political response to colonisation. However, Africa has in this field, as in so many others, been largely understudied, in comparison to revolutionary movements in South America and South East Asia. While many case studies on specific liberation movements exist, very few are comparative in nature. This study will do precisely that using the framework of Thomas H. Greene. The resistance movements in South Africa and Zimbabwe, then Rhodesia, consisted of several organisations, but the ones that emerged as the most powerful and significant in the two countries were the ANC and ZANU respectively. Although their situations were similar in many ways, there were other factors that necessarily led to two very different liberation struggles. This study looks closer at these factors, why they were so, and what this meant for the two movements. It focuses on the different characteristics of the movements, dividing these into leadership, support base, ideology, organisation, strategies and external support. All revolutionary movements rely on these factors to varying degrees, depending on the conditions they are operating under. The ANC and ZANU both had to fight under very difficult and different circumstances, with oppressive minority regimes severely restricting their actions. This meant that the non-violent protests that initially were a great influence for the leadership of both movements – especially with the successes of Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa and India, inevitably had to give way to the more effective strategies of sabotage and armed struggle. Like other African resistance movements, nationalism was used as the main mobilising tool within the populations. In South Africa the struggle against apartheid was more complex and multidimensional than in Zimbabwe. Ultimately successful in their efforts, the ANC and ZANU both became the political parties that assumed power after liberation. This study does not extend to post-liberation problems.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although gender equality is evident in many spheres in African countries, the entry of women into political institutions has often been described as slow and unequal. In sub-Saharan African countries this trend is particularly associated with social, cultural and historical barriers within political spheres that hinder gender equality in political leadership and an equal representation of women in parliament. The issues of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament have long been hotly contested debates on the continent and in sub-Saharan African countries more specifically, largely as a result of different cultural heritages and countries‟ being poised at varying phases within the democratic consolidation process. It is necessary to evaluate attitudes towards gender equality in order to determine whether a populace embraces the principles of gender equality. Of equal significance is the evaluation of the percentage of women represented in parliament as an important indicator of whether gender equality is perceived by the populace to be an important principle in practice. In order to gauge the levels of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament in sub-Saharan Africa, this study evaluates attitudes towards gender equality and a number of its dimensions, namely women in leadership positions, equal education and the economic independence of women; it also investigates the representation of women in parliament by examining the actual numbers of women representatives in parliament in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This in an attempt to determine whether there is a link – either directly or indirectly – between attitudes towards gender equality and the number of women represented in parliament. For comparative purposes the attitudinal patterns and trends towards gender equality, as measured in the World Values Survey 2001, are evaluated amongst respondents in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This study also identifies four independent variables, namely gender, level of education, residential status (urban vs. rural) and age in an attempt to explain some of the differences in attitudes towards gender equality between the three samples. iii The main findings include, amongst others, that: the South African sample has by and large the most positive attitudes towards gender equality in comparison to its Ugandan and Zimbabwean counterparts; and that a higher percentage of women are represented in the South African parliament in contrast to Uganda and Zimbabwe. The independent variables prove to be fairly good predictors of the varying attitudes towards gender equality across the three samples. This study concludes that in sub-Saharan Africa positive attitudes towards gender equality can indeed be linked to a higher percentage of women represented in parliament; however, the inverse – that negative attitudes towards gender equality can be linked to low percentages of women represented in parliament – is not substantiated. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel geslagsgelykheid sigbaar is in baie sfere in Afrika lande word die toegang van vroue tot politieke instellings dikwels beskryf as stadig en ongelyk. In sub–Sahara Afrika-lande word hierdie neiging in besonder geassosieer met sosiale, kulturele en historiese hindernisse binne politieke instellings wat geslagsgelykheid in politieke leierskap en gelyke verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement belemmer. Die kwessie rondom geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement is ʼn sterk debat op die Afrika kontinent en meer spesifiek in sub-Sahara Afrika-lande, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van verskillende kulturele tradisies en verskille in die fases van demokratisering. Dit is nodig om die houdings ten opsigte van geslagsgelykheid te evalueer om te bepaal of ʼn bevolking die beginsels van geslagsgelykheid aanvaar. Hiermee saam is die evaluering van die persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlement ʼn belangrik aanwyser van die feit dat geslagsgelykheid deur die bevolking as ʼn belangrike beginsel beskou word. Ten einde die vlakke van geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlemente in sub-Sahara Afrika te meet, bespreek hierdie studie die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en ʼn aantal van sy dimensies, naamlik vroue in leierskap posisies, gelyke opvoeding en die ekonomiese onafhanklikheid van vroue. Dit bestudeer ook die vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlemente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie poog verder om te bepaal of daar ʼn verbintenis - direk of indirek - bestaan tussen die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en die aantal vroue verteenwoordigers in die parlemente van die lande onder bespreking. Die studie se doel is om vas te stel of positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van vroulike verteenwoordigers in die parlement. Vir vergelykende doeleindes, is die houdingspatrone en neigings teenoor geslagsgelykheid, soos gemeet in die die Wêreld Waardes Opname, ondersoek tussen die respondente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die studie identifiseer ook vier onafhanklike veranderlikes, naamlik geslag, opvoedingvlak, woongebied (stedelik vs plattelands) asook ouderdom, in ʼn poging om sommige van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid tussen die drie lande te verduidelik. v Die vernaamste bevindings sluit onder meer in dat: Suid-Afrika by verre die sterkste positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid het in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe; en, dat daar ʼn hoër persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die Suid-Afrikaanse parlement is, in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die onafhanlike veranderlikes blyk redelike goeie voorspellers te wees van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsykheid regoor die drie lande. Die studie kom tot gevolgtrekking dat binne hierdie drie lande, positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement, maar dat die teenoorgestelde - dat negatiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn laer persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in parlement – nie ondersteuning in die data kry nie.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the relationship between the state and mining capital in South Africa since the beginning of gold mining. It provides a historical analysis centered around the notion that neither state nor capital have been able to dominate each other wholly but retained their respective relative strength and independence. By applying a qualitative approach, this thesis seeks to determine whether this notion still holds true today, how the relationship between the state and mining capital has evolved over time and by what factors was it determined. I suggest that structurally the nature of the state-capital relationship continues to endure fifteen years after apartheid. Accordingly the thesis is organized in terms of two critical junctures, one in the 1920s and one in the long 1970s when the balance of power between the state and mining capital experienced a number of shifts. Recent developments in post-apartheid South Africa seem, as of now at least, to represent more of a continuation of the shift that materialized in the long 1970s rather than a new conjuncture of its own or one in the making. Contrasting these findings with the adamant calls of the ANCYL for a nationalization of mines indicates that nationalization as the ANCYL foresees it does not seem to be informed by a historical understanding of the mining capital-state relations and that it is ceteris paribus unlikely to materialize. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis ondersoek die verhouding tussen die staat en mynbou kapitaal in Suid-Afrika sedert die begin van die goudwedloop. Op grond van ’n historiese oorsig word daar aan die hand gedoen dat nòg die staat nóg mynbou kapitaal mekaar oorheers het en dat hierdie tendens vyftien jaar na apartheid steeds voortduur. Die magsbalans tussen die staat en kapitaal word egter gekenmerk deur twee uiteenlopende periodes, naamlik die Twintiger jare en die langdurige Sewentigs. Verwikkelinge in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika suggereer ’n voortsetting van die dinamika van die Sewentigs. Volgens onlangse uitlatings deur die ANC Jeugliga blyk dit asof die beweging nie bewus is van die kompleksiteit van hierdie historiese verhouding nie en dat dit dus hoogs onwaarskynlik is dat nasionalisering in terme van ANC Jeugliga beleid die lig sal sien.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since 1995, despite the consultative processes with regards to Rationalisation and Redeployment, many stakeholders did not accept, nor understand the rationale behind the government's drive to redistribute human resources. It is widely known that there existed immense tensions and conflicts between educators and bureaucrats on the issue, which played itself out in the Grove Primary School case, as well as the withdrawal of regulations because of a 'threatened strike', due to government's disregard for participatory democracy. Using a case study, within the Gauteng province, this research investigated the experiences and perceptions of key policy actors on the policy planning and implementation processes by tracking the development of social dialogue during this process. The conceptual framework for this study was provided in the work of Cheng and Cheung (1995), who provided a generic empirical education policy analysis model, which tracks the policy processes within linear phases. Fifty indicators were identified, which were used to measure the efficacy of the policy-making process, as well as the evolution of social dialogue in the policy discourse. This study argues that in an endeavour to implement redress and equity, the policy employed had its inherent weaknesses. The researcher used a structured questionnaire to measure key policy actors (formulators and implementers), experiences and perceptions of the process employed. The qualitative methodology, which was supported by the quantitative data analysis approach, exposed that bureaucratic attitude towards socio-political participation, a technocratic approach to educational imperatives, strong union organisation, empowered parents, and the lack of capacity at certain levels of administration to deal with resistance directly and indirectly, contributed to the ambiguous success of this policy intervention. The purpose of this research was to assist in improving the efficacy of the policy pathways, by proposing a modified strategy, which includes dialogue with all relevant role players. In focusing primarily on the analysis of the Rationalisation and Redeployment Policy process, the findings of this empirical research have therefore shown how opinions and perceptions about the efficacy of a policy process are directly linked to the experiences of policy actors with regards to social dialogue during the process. As any interventionist policy is a negotiated responsibility of all educational role players, in order to promote an enabling educative environment, the consultative, as well as the policy processes proposed in this study, are based on principles grounded in research which makes optimal use of existing structures. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert 1995, ten spyte van die konsultatiewe proses rakende rasionalisasie en her-ontplooing, het min van die rolspelers die proses aanvaar, of die rasionaal agter die regering se poging om menslike hulpbronne te herversprei verstaan. Dit is alombekend dat daar reuse spanning en konflik tussen opvoeders en burokrate, gesentreer rondom die Grove Primêre Skool saak, bestaan het. Dit het saamgegaan met die ontrekking van regulasies -as gevolg van 'n beoogde staking weens die regering se miskenning van deelnemende demokrasie. Hierdie studie maak gebruik van 'n gevalle studie in die Gauteng provinsie. Hiervolgens is daar 'n ondersoek na die ervarings en persepsies van sleutel beleidsrolspleers ten opsigte van beleidsbeplanning en implementeringsprosesse. Die hoofidee is om die ontwikkeling van die sosiale dialoog binne die provinsiale onderwys na te spoor. Die konsepsuele raamwerk word verskaf deur Cheng and Cheung (1995), wie se werk 'n generiese empiriese onderwysbeleidsontleding model voortgebring het. Hierdie model volg die beleidsproses binne liniêre fases. Vyftig aanwysers word geïdentifiseer, wat gebruik word om die effektiwiteit van die beleidsformuleringproses sowel as die evolusie van sosiale dialoog te meet. Hierdie studie voer aan dat in die poging om herverspreding en gelykberegtiging te implementeer, die rasionalisasie en her-ontplooing proses opsigself inherente swakhede gehad het. "n Gestruktueerde vraelys, om sleutel rolspelers se ervarings en persepsies van die beleidsproses te meet, is gebruik. Hierdie navorsing bring na vore die feit dat burokratiese houdings jeens sosiopolitiese deelname, "n tegnokratiese benadering tot opvoedkundige imperatiewe, sterk vakbondorganisasie, bemagtigde ouers, en bestuursvlak se onvermoë om weerstand te hanteer, bygedra het tot die dubbelsinnige sukses van hierdie beleidsintervensie. Die doel van die navorsing is om die effektiwiteit van die beleidsweë te verbeter. Dit word gedoen deur die voorstel van 'n gewysigde strategie, wat die dialoog van alle relevante rolsplers insluit. Deur primêr te fokus op die rasionalisasie en her-ontplooing proses, wys die navorsing dat opinies en persepsies rondom die effektiwiteit van 'n beleidsproses direk gekoppel is aan die ervarings van beleidsrolspelers met betrekking tot sosiale dialoog. Die konsultatiewe sowel as die beleidsprosesse wat voorgestel word in hierdie studie is gebaseer op beginsels wat opsigself gefundeer is in navorsing wat van die bestaande strukture optimaal gebruik maak.

Thesis (MA (Public and Development Management)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / 128 leaves printed single pages, preliminary pages i-ix and numbered pages 1-118. Includes bibliography and a list of figures in color and tables. Digitized at 300 dpi 24-bit Color to pdf format (OCR) using a Hp Scanjet 8250 Scanner, and digitized at 600 dpi grayscale to pdf format (OCR), using a Bizhub 250 Konica Minolta Scanner. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: "The South African Constitution (1996) promotes the improvement of liVing environments and livelihoods for all constituents by means of a developmental approach to local governance" (IDASA, 2005:2). The development role of local government can be understood through the consideration of four basic drivers which includes planning for development, governance and administration, regulation and service delivery. The Drakenstein Local Municipality is committed to ensure sustainable economic growth and development by increasing national and provincial competitiveness as well as the reduction of poverty. Key to this process is the retention and expansion of existing businesses as well as the attraction of new investment. The main focus of this research study is the promotion of business development as it forms part of local economic development (LED) and is also an integral part of integrated development planning (IDP) at local government level. The introduction of proposed targeted investment incentives is aimed at facilitating the implementation of the Drakenstein Local Municipality's strategic development objectives. The proposed intervention options should be a special effort to attract investment to the study area which will result in a positive spill-over effect in the Drakenstein Local Municipality's local economy. Intervention options can be developed in terms of investment incentives that can bring about job creation, economic development and poverty alleviation in the study area as set out in their strategic deveiopment objectives.

Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The upsurge in the number of public protests in most South African municipalities, including the City of Cape Town, continues unabated. While public protest is a democratic right, provided for in the Constitution (RSA 1996), the violent nature and persistence of protests at municipal level are a cause for concern. The associated violence often leads to the destruction of both public and private property, disruptions in economic activities, loss of lives and severe injuries to innocent victims. The prevalence of public protests continues despite the fact that the new democratic dispensation ushered in a paradigm geared for transforming local government from a racially-segregated institution into a democratic and autonomous sphere of government, with a broad developmental mandate. This new dispensation gave birth to the “invited spaces” of participation, which are aimed at providing scope for the public to influence, direct, control and own the development and decision-making processes. In order to determine factors that contribute to public protests in Khayelitsha the study adopted a qualitative research paradigm. Personal interviews, focus group discussion and participatory observation were some of the research methods used to collect primary data. The study indicates that lack of authentic and empowering public participation opportunities in the decision-making processes of the City of Cape Town alienates the public and leads to public disengagement from available municipal processes. It has been during this period of alienation that the public have been “inventing own spaces” of participation, in the form of public protests demanding that public voices be heard. The study also indicates that poverty, unemployment and glaring gaps of social inequality, reinforced by comparison to available examples in the neighbourhood, are root causes of public protests. The new public participation model that has been developed from this research should be adopted by South African municipalities as an essential public participation strategy. It empowers the public to negotiate a new “social contract” with the authorities primarily based on the public’s terms. It is only when authentic and empowering public participation is practised by municipalities that violent public protests can be minimised. Such authentic and empowering public participation provides latitude for the public to influence, direct, control and even own their “own” development and decision-making processes. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die toename in voorvalle van openbare protes in byna alle Suid-Afrikaanse munisipale gebiede, insluitend die van die Stad Kaapstad, duur onverpoosd voort. Terwyl openbare protes weliswaar ’n demokratiese reg is wat in die Grondwet (RSA 1996) verskans word, is die huidige ingeburgerde en gewelddadige aard daarvan rede tot ernstige kommer. Hierdie gewelddadigheid lei dikwels tot vernietiging van sowel openbare as private eiendom. Ook ekonomiese aktiwiteite word ontwrig; daar is lewensverlies en ernstige beserings aan onskuldige slagoffers . Die hoë voorkoms van openbare protes duur voort, ondanks die feit dat die nuwe demokratiese bestel ’n paradigmaskuif ten gunste van transformasie in die plaaslike regeringstelsel beteken het. Alles was in plek om weg te beweeg van rasgesegregeerde instellings na ’n demokratiese, outonome regeringsfeer met ’n breë, ontwikkelingsgedrewe mandaat. Hierdie nuwe bedeling het “genooide ruimtes” vir deelname geskep, wat geleentheid sou skep om invloed en rigtinggewende beheer te verkry oor daardie prosesse van besluitneming wat deelnemers se eie lewens raak. Om die faktore te bepaal wat tot openbare protes in Khayelitsha bydra, is ’n kwalitatiewe navorsingsparadigma gekies. Persoonlike onderhoud, fokusgroepbespreking en deelnemende waarneming is van die navorsingsmetodes wat ingespan is om primêre data te versamel. Hierdie navorsingstudie het bevind dat, ondanks die “genooide ruimtes”, daar steeds ’n gebrek aan egte en bemagtigende openbare deelnemingsgeleenthede in die besluitnemingsproses van die Stad Kaapstad bestaan, en dat dit die publiek vervreem en daartoe lei dat burgers hul aan die beskikbare deelnemingsgeleenthede onttrek. Gedurende hierdie periode van vervreemding het die publiek van Khayelitsha hulle eie “geskepde ruimtes” ontwikkel. Dit was gegiet in die vorm van openbare protes, waar die stemme van die algemene publiek gehoor kon word. Die studie het ook aangedui dat armoede, werkloosheid en opvallende voorbeelde van sosiale ongelykheid (te vinde in die onmiddellike omgewing) aanleidende faktore vir protesaksie was. Die nuwe openbare deelnemingsmodel wat uit die navorsing ontwikkel is, kan aan alle Suid-Afrikaanse munisipaliteite ’n onontbeerlike geleentheid bied om ’n doeltreffende openbare deelnemingstrategie te ontwikkel. Dit bemagtig die publiek om ’n nuwe onderhandelde “maatskaplike kontrak” met die owerhede, hoofsaaklik op die publiek se terme, te sluit. Slegs wanneer die publiek aan egte, bemagtigende openbare deelname blootgestel word, sal daar sprake van ’n vertrouensverhouding met die owerhede wees en sal gewelddadige protesaksie tot die minimum beperk kan word. Sodanige egte en bemagtigende openbare deelname skep ruimte vir die publiek om hulle “eie” ontwikkeling te beïnvloed en mede-beheer te bekom oor die besluitnemingsprosesse wat daarmee gemoeid is.