In July 1936, units of the Spanish military, backed by a collection of domestic right-wing elements and by fascist governments elsewhere in Europe, staged a rebellion against the legally constituted national government that had been elected five months previously. The governing bloc, an ideologically broad coalition of liberal republicans, Marxists, and anarchists known as the People's Front, embodied the strategy formulated by Stalin and the Communist International (Comintern) in Moscow to stem the advance of international fascism and mitigate the danger it posed to the Soviet Union and, by extension, the communist movement and the global radical working class it represented. During the destructive and bloody civil war that ensued, the Comintern sponsored recruitment of anti-fascist volunteer fighters from around the world. Before the war ended, nearly 3,000 Americans had surreptitiously traveled to Spain to defend its republican government. This thesis addresses the question of how these volunteers came to develop an allegiance to their global political and social movement strong enough to motivate them to risk death in what they perceived to be its defense against fascism. Drawing on the theoretical formulations of political scientists Benedict Anderson and David Malet, this thesis will demonstrate that over the course of a century, radical proletarian internationalism developed into a community of working-class revolutionaries, mostly within or allied to communist parties, whose shared ideological formulations and sociopolitical aspirations bound them together, irrespective of nationality. American members of that global community - whose numbers and influence had recently expanded in the context of the Great Depression and the People's Front strategy of liberal-left conciliation - had their perceptions and priorities about the Spanish crisis shaped by the American communist press. Examination and analysis of its coverage of the political, social, and military dimensions of the conflict there will demonstrate it to have been copious and persistent, imparting unmistakably to its readership the centrality of the Spanish people's struggle against fascism in the defense of the global working class, whose political and social survival was at stake. The thesis will argue, in the context of the contentious historiography of American communism, that although the messages conveyed to American proletarian internationalists via the communist press reflected policies and priorities determined in Moscow and designed to serve the interests of the Soviet state, American anti-fascists were for the most part well informed ideologues whose decisions reflected both the concerted influences of their movement's leadership as well as their own deep commitments to a more equitable world.

La présente étude porte sur l'expression de la mémoire féminine dans les fictions traitant de la guerre civile espagnole(1936-1939) et du franquisme. Elle s’intéresse plus particulièrement aux oeuvres publiées depuis la fin de la dictature (1975) jusqu’en 2010, en français (Agustin Gomez-Arcos et Mercedes Deambrosis) et en espagnol (Dulce Chacón, Carme Riera, Josefina Aldecoa, Jesús Ferrero, Marifé Santiago Bolaños et Ángeles Caso).Nous nous attachons d’abord à l’étude globale des représentations des expériences féminines de la guerre et de la répression. Dans l’écriture des violences subies comme dans celle des luttes et résistances, la double dimension politique et de genre émerge. L’analyse se resserre ensuite sur les représentations du traumatisme, entre manifestations pathologiques et tentatives de ritualisation. Nous montrons à cet égard comment le récit peut assumer une fonctionrituelle.La « poétique du traumatisme » mise au jour dans le corpus d’étude qualifie des réalisations formelles diverses, rassemblées en trois ensembles, correspondant à autant de lieux possibles d’ancrage du traumatisme : le rapport générationnel, le corps et la voix. Une attention spéciale est accordée à la figure de la victime. Des phénomènes tels que la répétition et la délinéarisation, apparaissant à divers niveaux du récit, éclairent le rapport que les fictions entretiennent avec le passé ainsi que leurs positions éthiques et politiques dans le présent de la démocratie / The current study explores the expression of women’s memory in literary works dealing with the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) and Francoism. It focuses on the fictional narratives published between the end of the dictatorship (1975) and 2010, in French (Agustin Gomez-Arcos and Mercedes Deambrosis) and Spanish (Dulce Chacón Carme Riera, Josefina Aldecoa, Jesús Ferrero, Marifé Santiago Bolaños and Ángeles Caso).The thesis first conducts a global analysis on the representations of women’s experiences of war and repression. In thewriting of violence, struggle and resistance, the double political and gendered dimension emerges. The research focuses subsequently on the trauma representations, between pathological manifestations and ritual attempts, and shows how narrative can assume a ritual function.The « poetics of trauma » characterises various formal realisations, divided into three groups. Each of them embodies a possible space for the inscription of trauma : the generational link, the body and the voice. Special attention is given to the figure of the victim. Phenomena such as repetition and delinearisation, that appear at various levels, clarify the relationship that fictional narratives build with the past as well as their ethical and political positions in the democracy

Thesis advisor: James Cronin / This paper examines the esoteric and essentially negativist character of international reaction to the Spanish Civil War. While the mass of the foreign public, (specifically in the United States, Britain, and Ireland), remained apathetic, several interest groups became deeply involved in the conflict. Analysis of the reasons why each group became interested, the methods they used to win supporters, and the effectiveness of those methods in shaping the historical legacy of the war constitutes the bulk of the paper. Particular emphasis is placed on the role of the Roman Catholic Church and the Communist Party in Britain and the United States. The inquiry concludes with an analysis of the historical trends which have erased the Spanish Civil War from the popular consciousness even while it remains vital to specific political constituencies. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

This thesis consists of a close reading of the representation of the Spanish Civil War in selected novels of Juan Marse (1933-) and Claude Simon (1913-). It explores how this representation, ultimately, reveals the traces of their different intellectual contexts. The initial comparison questions whether Marse's representation of the Spanish revolution in Barcelona implies, like Simon's account, a negative representation of the concept of political engagement and a similar historical pessimism. It goes on to discuss how this negative view is shaped by the writers' respective historical contexts and aesthetics. Secondly, since, to varying degrees, the novels studied make the reader critically aware of processes of narrativisation and representation, and of issues of narrative reliability and authority, the thesis explores the extent to which their representations of the Civil War are 'anti-realist'. In order to do so, it initially locates the question of 'realism' or 'anti-realism' in the texts within a wider theoretical framework: that of the critique of realism within poststructuralist French theory after Barthes. The latter debate over referentiality in literary realism also underpins ongoing critical debates over the status of history as a text. This thesis, thirdly, considers whether both writers' representations of the Civil War and of historical processes suggest a particular attitude towards the writing of history, namely whether and to what extent Simon's and Marse's representations of the war problematize the relationship between their historical referent - the events of the war and/or its aftermath - and its narration and interpretation. In particular, it asks whether Marse's texts involve the kind of rejection of progressive historical 'meta-narratives' which is implicit and explicit in Simon's representation of the Civil War, but also whether Simon's texts do, in fact, not simply undermine this model of historical causality but posit an alternative, anti-progressive historical telos.

Submitted by Ricardo Cedraz Duque Moliterno (ricardo.moliterno@uefs.br) on 2015-09-30T21:00:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??oCarolinaPurifica??o.pdf: 694082 bytes, checksum: fa7324aabcff3909f23e711aa3e73dea (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-30T21:00:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??oCarolinaPurifica??o.pdf: 694082 bytes, checksum: fa7324aabcff3909f23e711aa3e73dea (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-23 / This paper has for object analyze the experience of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1937) through the writings of English George Orwell, seeking to understand, in their comprehension about the event, the gaze that their condition of foreigner printed to the conflict and the modifications that the reality of the front has made in the vision that he had about his own country, England. For this reason, this study aimed to examine their previous experiences the War with the objective of characterizing their worldview forged in accord with their identity; and consider its performance writing after the confrontation in an attempt to grasp the depth of the modification effected by experience during his stay in Spain, understanding it within a context of dispute of memories. / Este trabalho tem por objeto analisar a experi?ncia da Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1937) atrav?s dos escritos do ingl?s George Orwell, buscando perceber, em sua compreens?o sobre o evento, o olhar que sua condi??o de estrangeiro imprimiu ao conflito e as modifica??es que a realidade do front efetuaram na vis?o que possu?a sobre seu pr?prio pa?s, a Inglaterra. Para isso, procurou-se examinar suas experi?ncias anteriores ? Guerra com o objetivo de caracterizar sua vis?o de mundo forjada em conson?ncia a sua identidade; e considerar sua atua??o escrita ap?s o confronto na tentativa de apreender a profundidade da modifica??o efetuada pela experi?ncia durante sua estadia na Espanha, entendendo-a dentro de um contexto de disputa de mem?rias.

Franco’s dictatorship remains a divisive issue within Spain. The contemporary debate rages on: mass graves are still being discovered and Spaniards continue to fight for and against historical memory laws that promote “forgetting” as a means of coping with the tumultuous past. This thesis is centered on oral history collected in the major city of Seville and the comparatively insignificant beach town of Sanlúcar de Barrameda. While only an hour apart by car, these Andalusian municipalities experienced the Spanish Civil War and the postwar period quite differently. The voices of a few express the reality of many in this thesis which combines oral history, archival research, and the intriguing world of scholarship on Franco’s Spain. The rural nature and ignored classes that largely made up Sanlúcar in contrast with the urban Seville indicate the drastically different, and in many cases, harsher experience of agricultural Andalusia.

La tesi s’inicia amb la descripció del fenomen de la justícia transicional, diferenciant-ne la justícia retributiva, la institucional i la justícia transicional reparadora, encarregada d’implementar els mecanismes de reparació de les víctimes de l’anterior règim autoritari. Dins de la justícia transicional reparadora, s’analitzen les diferents mesures de reparació de les víctimes de la Guerra Civil espanyola, que han adoptat els governs democràtics després de la transició espanyola cap a la democràcia. D’entre aquestes mesures, destaca la regulació de pensions vitalícies a favor de mutilats i familiars de morts a la Guerra Civil, el reconeixement de drets a favor dels militars republicans, les ajudes pel temps de privació de llibertat, i la restitució de béns a favor de sindicals i partits polítics il•legalitzats durant el franquisme. També s’estudia l’anomenada Llei de la Memòria Històrica i es proposa una acció judicial en reclamació dels danys patits per la privació de llibertat. / The thesis begins with a description of the phenomenon of transitional justice, exploring the difference between retributive justice, institutional justice (lustrations) and reparative justice, which deals with the implementation of reparations of the victims of the previous authoritarian regime. Within the transitional reparative justice, we analyze different measures of reparation to the victims of the Spanish Civil War taken by the democratic governments after the Spanish transition to democracy. Among these measures, we can observe the regulation of annuities in favor of familiar mutilated and dead in the Civil War, the recognition of rights in favor of republican military, aid for the period of detention, and restitution to favor unions and political parties outlawed under Franco regime. We also study the so-called Law of Historical Memory and we propose legal action to claim for damages suffered by imprisonment.

During the Spanish Civil War and its aftermath, the fear of being denounced and subsequently punished contributed to the social silence that became the norm during Franco´s dictatorship. This was then reinforced during democracy through an implicit pact of oblivion. After the death of Franco, as an attempt to avoid reopening wounds, successive democratic governments decided not to agitate the ghost of the civil war, due to its traumatic nature. The consequence of such a pact of oblivion is the lack of information about the past, continually suffered by subsequent generations. Furthermore, Francoism legally imposed the subordination of women to men in all spheres of life, denying the most basic rights to women as well as their autonomy as individuals. This political and gendered repression resulted in a lack of agency and reinforcement of a patriarchal structure. Memory Studies has assumed major importance due to the memory boom that has affected Spain since the end of the twentieth century. Twenty-first century literature offers new representations of women which need to be fully studied. This dissertation analyzes four novels that describe, question and expand on different roles for women during the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and its aftermath from an interdisciplinary perspective. The main theoretical concepts through which the novels/themes are examined include intersections of gender and power, intersectionality, gendered empowerment, identity, victimization, agency, genocide, gendered punishments, and the deconstruction of the normative gender role through the re-signification of domestic chores. In the selected literary works, female characters are depicted in uncommon scenarios, such as prisons, anti-Francoist guerrilla, exile, and also on the winning Francoist side. Drawing on interdisciplinary frameworks including sociology, literature, and history, my analysis reveals the silenced story of the defeated and its repercussions in the democratic Spain of today.

The Spanish artist Josep Renau (1907-1982) published the propaganda periodical Nueva cultura from 1935 to 1937. Although richly illustrated with cuttingedge graphic design and photomontage, it made use of popular culture with more frequency than might be expected in a left-wing, vanguard publication. This is seen most notably in the March 1937 special edition, published to coincide with a local, popular festival. In the special edition, Renau primarily utilized popular forms of illustration in the layout. Further, by publishing it in the regional language rather than Castilian Spanish, he attested to the importance of addressing people in their own language, both linguistically and formally. This thesis examines the periodical in relation to philosopher Mikhail Bakhtin’s writings on folk culture and James V. Wertsch’s research on collective remembering.

Lorsque se produisit le soulèvement militaire les 17-18 juillet 1936 en Espagne contre le gouvernement du Frente Popular de la Deuxième République, l’ordre établi fut alors bouleversé ; et c’est cette rupture dans le processus historique qui déclencha la Guerre Civile espagnole (1936-1939). Comme dans le cas de nombreux conflits qui ont marqué l’histoire de l’Humanité, le déclenchement des hostilités en Espagne donna lieu à des déplacements forcés de la population non combattante qui, le plus souvent, s’effectuèrent sous la forme d’évacuations « en débandade » ou d’évacuations « organisées » des zones en guerre.Dans la mesure où la Guerre Civile de 1936-1939 fut le premier conflit européen où apparut le besoin de déplacer un nombre considérable de personnes – en particulier des femmes, des enfants, des personnes âgées et des malades – face au danger que représentaient les combats, les pouvoirs publics républicains durent élaborer et mettre en place une politique d’évacuation et d’assistance sans précédent. Néanmoins, les autorités républicaines ne furent pas seules à agir car nombreuses furent les organisations politiques, syndicales ou associatives, tant à l’échelle nationale qu’internationale, qui collaborèrent avec elles. Il ne faut pas oublier que la Guerre Civile espagnole fut un conflit fratricide qui connut une mobilisation internationale sans précédent ; un certain nombre de pays acceptèrent d’ailleurs de recevoir sur leur territoire des réfugiés espagnols, notamment les enfants. En raison de sa proximité géographique, la France fut de loin le pays qui accueillit le plus de réfugiés. / When the military uprising against the Popular Front leading the Second Republic took place in Spain on the 17th-18th July, 1936, the status quo was upset. This break in the historical process triggered the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). Like in many other conflicts that marked the history of mankind, the beginning of hostilities in Spain forced civilians to move and leave their homes. In most cases, these people left the war areas either in great disorder or in an organized way. Since the Civil War (1936-1939) was the first European conflict in which there was a need to move a large number of people – particularly women, children, elderly people and the sick – in order to avoid war dangers, the Republican power had to devise and implement unprecedented evacuation and assistance measures. However, the Republican authorities were not alone in this, since many national and international political organizations, trade unions and associations cooperated with them. It should not be forgotten that the Spanish Civil War was a fratricidal conflict that triggered unprecedented international action ; besides, some countries agreed to welcome Spanish refugees, especially when they were children. Due to its proximity to Spain, France was, by far, the country which accepted the largest number of refugees.