A l’indépendance de la Haute-Volta en 1960, la ville de Ouagadougou comptait au total 10 établissements secondaires dont 3 publics, 5 privés catholiques, 1 privé protestant et 1 privé laïc. Cette offre a considérablement augmenté depuis lors, de sorte qu’en 2013-2014, la ville compte plus de 390 établissements. Elle se caractérise surtout par une plus grande diversité des acteurs et une forte primauté des établissements privés laïcs. Par ailleurs, il apparaît qu’en dépit de cette croissance fulgurante de l’offre scolaire; en lien avec la croissance démographique, l’accès à l’éducation reste problématique pour une part importante de la population. Plusieurs facteurs expliquent cette situation et pourraient être examinés sur différents registres dont les politiques publiques et les stratégies mises en œuvre par les acteurs et les populations. Pour comprendre cette situation et voir comment elle se traduit sur le territoire de la ville, la présente thèse a opté d’interroger les pratiques des acteurs, ou plus globalement la gouvernance.Le processus d’urbanisation de la ville apparaît comme une porte d’entrée pertinente pour poser la question. En effet, l’urbanisation à Ouagadougou se caractérise aussi bien par une forte croissance démographique que par une importante extension spatiale. Dans un contexte de faible niveau d’investissement public dans le domaine de l’enseignement post-primaire et secondaire, cette situation a pour conséquence, une incapacité de l’offre scolaire publique à satisfaire la forte demande qui en résulte. Face à une demande scolaire de plus en plus importante, apparue avec le processus d’urbanisation en cours, mais aussi du fait des investissements pour le développement de l’enseignement primaire depuis les années 1990, on observe un développement du secteur privé (laïc, franco-arabe, catholique, protestant, associatif, etc.). Il regroupait pendant l’année scolaire 2014-2015, environ 91,6% des établissements de la capitale. Ce développement du privé engendre une diversité des acteurs avec une pluralité des modalités de prestation du service éducatif. Leurs interventions permettent d’améliorer une offre scolaire publique défaillante à travers un accroissement du nombre d’école. Cependant, elles comportent de nombreuses insuffisances en termes de respect des normes officielles liées à la carte scolaire et à la qualité de l’éducation.Dans ce contexte, les élèves et leurs familles développent plusieurs stratégies aussi bien dans le choix des écoles que dans la fréquentation scolaire. Ces mécanismes d’offre et de demande scolaire se traduisent sur le territoire de la ville et permettent ainsi de faire une géographie sociale urbaine au prisme de l’éducation. L’objectif de cette thèse est de décrire les inégalités spatiales d’éducation post-primaire et secondaire à Ouagadougou, de mesurer leurs intensités puis de les expliquer à travers les questions de gouvernance et d’aménagement du territoire. Les analyses portent sur les effets de la répartition spatiale de l’offre scolaire sur les pratiques de choix des écoles par les élèves et leurs familles. Pour y parvenir, nous avons procédé par une analyse mixte, recourant aux démarches qualitative et quantitative. Après avoir géo-référencé et cartographié l’ensemble des établissements de la ville, des entretiens qualitatifs, réalisés auprès d’acteurs de l’éducation, ont permis de comprendre les modalités d’intervention des différents acteurs. On a ainsi mieux cerné la transcription spatiale des mécanismes de gouvernance et d’aménagement du territoire dans le domaine de l’éducation post-primaire et secondaire à Ouagadougou. / At the independence of Upper Volta in 1960, the city of Ouagadougou had a total of 10 secondary schools, including 3 public, 5 private Catholic, 1 private Protestant, and 1 private secular. This offer got a sounding increase since then. So, in 2013-2014, the city had more than 390 establishments. It is characterized above all by a greater diversity of actors and a strong primacy of private secular institutions. Moreover, it appears that despite this meteoric growth in school supply related to population growth, access to education remains a problem for a large part of the population. Several factors justify this situation and could be examined in many ways, including public policies and strategies implemented by actors and populations. To understand this situation and see how it is reflected on the territory of the city, this thesis has choosed to question the practices of actors, or governance, in a general way.The process of urbanization of the city appears as a relevant gateway to ask the question. Indeed, urbanization in Ouagadougou is characterized by both high population growth and significant spatial expansion. In a context of low level of public investment in the field of post-primary and secondary education, this situation results in an inability of the public school supply to meet the high demand that results. With a growing demand for education, which has emerged with the current urbanization process, and also because of investments for the development of primary education since the 1990s, the private sector (secular, Franco-Arab, Catholic, Protestant, associative, etc.) got developed. In the school year 2014-2015, it accounted for approximately 91.6% of establishments in the capital. This development of the private sector diversifies the actors implying a plurality of the modes of provision of educational service. Their interventions help to improve a failing public school offer through an increase of schools. However, there are many shortcomings related to school mapping and the quality of education, in terms of respect for official standards.This is why students and families develop several strategies both in school choice and in school attendance. These mechanisms of supply and school demand are reflected on the territory of the city. They thus make it possible to make an urban social geography to the prism of education. The aim of this thesis is to describe the spatial inequalities of post-primary and secondary education in Ouagadougou, and measure their intensities, and then explain them through the issues of governance and regional planning. The analyzes focus on the effects of the spatial distribution of school supply on the choice of schools by students and their families. To achieve this, we proceeded by a mixed analysis which resorts to qualitative and quantitative approaches. After having geo-referenced and mapped all the establishments of the city, qualitative interviews, carried out with actors of the education, made it possible to understand the modes of intervention of the various actors. The spatial transcription of governance and regional planning mechanisms in the field of post-primary and secondary education in Ouagadougou has thus been better understood.

This research defined as an object of study in this popular residential urban area of MossorÃ-RN as representative of the social processes in term of the Law 10.257/2001, known as the City Statute. This assumption, we analyzed the spatial fundamentals that affect social housing in Mossorà between 2001 and 2011. The approach of housing in the geographic space does not dispense with the assumption that its expression is also a reflection of the dynamic social, economic and political, and even cultural, inherent spatial reproduction of society. The hegemony of the market economy has as part of its context the complexity imposed by its contingencies. In situations in which social inequalities are significant, such as Brazil, the intricate balance of forces that characterizes the spatial planning has a reference in housing consistent with their reasons. Alluding to this point the Brazilian context, it was found in many expressions, the situation of housing Mossorà is consistent with the national question in this regard. Among other reasons for this notion has been discussed on this site the presence of duality between city formal (legal) and informal city (illegal) housing and linked to it, as well as the self of the house as a procedure aimed at acquiring residence by social segments poorest. An argument guiding research was sustained on the paradox grounded in the notion that, although the owner of a collection of urban law and urban policy that covers the dwelling and its problems, there is an inherent difficulty in Mossorà by the power manager of the municipality of put into practice the laws available. As was noted, this restriction does not begin only with the entry into force of the Statute of the City, however it will be shown that this feature is favorable expression. Furthermore, it is important to emphasize that this is one more feature that relates directly Mossorà with the national situation. This is because, although this law ensures the consideration of urban property as endowed with social function that is consistent in the city as an expression of this prerogative MossorÃ, his job this sense demonstrates difficulties for many reasons. Thus, it was found that since the first interventions of urban policy in the city, dating from the late 1960s, the solution of housing problems has been compromised. This assertion has legitimacy with the context of socio-spatial inequalities expressed in the processes of formation of spatial centrality and segregation, common in dynamic urban place. Thus, the diagnosis that exposes the housing problems, which reveals compromised quality of life of people living in social housing, this is, the poorest social segments of the local population. These classes, as shown by many indicators, are more vulnerable to infrastructure problems of housing, urban planning and restrictions that are the responsibility of the municipal administration. / Esta pesquisa definiu como objeto de estudo a habitaÃÃo popular presente no espaÃo urbano de MossorÃ-RN enquanto representante dos processos socioespaciais no perÃodo de vigÃncia da Lei 10.257/2001, conhecida como Estatuto da Cidade. Neste pressuposto, foram analisados os fundamentos espaciais que condicionam a moradia social em Mossorà entre 2001 e 2011. A abordagem da habitaÃÃo no espaÃo geogrÃfico nÃo prescinde de considerar que sua expressÃo tambÃm à reflexo da dinÃmica social, econÃmica e polÃtica, e atà cultural, inerente a reproduÃÃo espacial da sociedade. A hegemonia da economia de mercado tem como componente de seu contexto a complexidade imposta por suas contingÃncias. Em realidades nas quais as desigualdades sociais sÃo expressivas, como o Brasil, a intrincada correlaÃÃo de forÃas que caracteriza espacialmente o territÃrio tem na habitaÃÃo uma referÃncia coerente com suas razÃes. Aludindo neste aspecto o Ãmbito brasileiro, constatou-se, em muitas expressÃes, que a situaÃÃo da habitaÃÃo popular mossoroense à coerente com a questÃo nacional neste sentido. Entre outras razÃes para esta noÃÃo foi discutida a presenÃa neste local da dualidade entre cidade formal (legal) e cidade informal (ilegal) e a moradia a ela vinculada, assim como a autoconstruÃÃo da moradia como procedimento voltado a aquisiÃÃo de residÃncia por parte de segmentos sociais mais pobres. Uma argumentaÃÃo norteadora da investigaÃÃo sustentou-se no paradoxo calcado na noÃÃo de que, embora detentora de um acervo de legislaÃÃo urbanÃstica e de polÃtica urbana que contempla a habitaÃÃo e seus problemas, existe em Mossorà uma inerente dificuldade por parte do poder gestor do municÃpio de colocar em prÃtica as leis disponÃveis. Conforme notou-se, esse entrave nÃo tem inÃcio apenas com a entrada em vigor do Estatuto da Cidade, contudo à neste perÃodo que esta caracterÃstica encontra favorÃvel expressÃo. Outrossim, à importante enfatizar que esta à mais uma caracterÃstica que relaciona diretamente Mossorà com a situaÃÃo nacional .Isso porque, embora esta Lei assegure a consideraÃÃo da propriedade urbana como dotada de funÃÃo social que coaduna na cidade como expressÃo Mossorà desta prerrogativa, seu emprego neste sentido demonstra dificuldades por muitas razÃes. Diante disso, constatou-se que desde as primeiras intervenÃÃes de polÃtica urbana na cidade, datadas do final da dÃcada de 1960, a soluÃÃo dos problemas habitacionais tem sido comprometida. Esta assertiva tem legitimidade diante do contexto de desigualdades socioespaciais expressas nos processos de formaÃÃo de centralidades espaciais e segregaÃÃes, comuns na dinÃmica urbana do lugar. Assim, o diagnÃstico que expÃe a problemÃtica habitacional, o qual revela o comprometimento da qualidade de vida da populaÃÃo residente em habitaÃÃes populares, isto Ã, os segmentos sociais mais pobres da populaÃÃo local. Estas classes, como revelam muitos indicadores, estÃo mais vulnerÃveis aos problemas de infraestrutura da moradia, assim como Ãs limitaÃÃes urbanÃsticas, que sÃo de responsabilidade da administraÃÃo municipal.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-01-12T17:17:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 lilianaparecidadesouza.pdf: 4459716 bytes, checksum: 094505bafce799e4895437cffe986e96 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-01-31T11:16:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 lilianaparecidadesouza.pdf: 4459716 bytes, checksum: 094505bafce799e4895437cffe986e96 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-31T11:16:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 lilianaparecidadesouza.pdf: 4459716 bytes, checksum: 094505bafce799e4895437cffe986e96 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-27 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo discutir a produção desigual do espaço urbano de Juiz de Fora a partir de sua inserção enquanto importante cidade média na rede urbana brasileira, apresentando a ocupação Vila Barroso enquanto materialização desse processo. A ocupação iniciou no mesmo período em que o poder público municipal investia na atração de grandes empresas, buscando adaptar o município aos anseios do capital global. Para compreender este cenário, parte-se da reflexão de que as contradições inerentes à produção capitalista estão presentes no espaço e é com o objetivo de mantê-las que os sujeitos dominantes o reproduzem, sendo a desigualdade socioespacial, a manifestação da contradição entre a produção social e sua apropriação privada. Baseando-se nisso, debate-se a produção desigual do espaço urbano de Juiz de Fora com suas especificidades de cidade média, apresentando algumas de suas dinâmicas atuais e passadas, que possibilitam situar a Vila Barroso no contexto da questão habitacional no município. Após mais de uma década vivendo na precariedade, a remoção dos sem-teto do lugar onde moravam aconteceu porque a ocupação estava localizada numa área em processo de valorização na cidade. Por isso, eram alvo constante de pressões do poder público que tanto insistiu até que realizou o reassentamento das famílias num loteamento do programa Minha Casa Minha Vida, deixando a área nas margens da BR-040 livre para ser vendida ou alugada. Nesse jogo de interesses dos sujeitos, o espaço de Juiz de Fora é constantemente reorganizado e marcado pela separação das classes. Aos trabalhadores sem-teto, esse processo significou uma casa, mas também a perda de sua identidade e vínculos territoriais. / This master’s dissertation aims to discuss the Juiz de Foras’s uneven production of urban space – an important Brazilian’s medium sized city – by presenting the shanty town Vila Barroso as a materialization of this process. The shanty town began at the same time that the town hall started investing on attraction of big companies in order to adapt the city to the global capital interests. Intending to understand this scenario, it is needed to consider that the capitalism contradictions are present in urban space, and, willing to keep them, the dominant actors (re)produce the space, putting in evidence the socio-spatial inequalities as manifestation of contradiction between the social production of space and its private appropriation. Based on this, it is discussed Juiz de Fora’s uneven production of urban space, from a medium sized city perspective, presenting current and past dynamics that enable to put the shanty town Vila Barroso in the housing question context. After a decade living under precarious conditions, the homeless people were taken from where they had been living in, because their shanty town was located in an area under valorization process. Because of this, the families had been suffering pressure from town hall until they were finally relocated in a site of the governmental program “Minha casa, minha vida”, when they left the area nearby BR-040 roadway, making possible its selling or renting. In this game of interests that involves the mainly urban space (re)producers, Juiz de Fora’s urban space has been constantly reorganized and remarked by social classes separation. For the homeless people this process represented houses to live in, but also the loss of their identity and the connection they had with the place they were taken from.

Este trabalho investiga os limites à garantia constitucional do direito de defesa no Brasil, partindo de uma análise do uso do território paulista pela Defensoria Pública do Estado de São Paulo (DPESP), criada em 2006. Uma vez que as defensorias públicas oferecem assistência jurídica gratuita quase que exclusivamente aos pobres, o estudo de seus objetos e ações muito contribui para a compreensão destes limites. Assim, a pesquisa tem como objetivo testar a hipótese de que o uso do território paulista pela DPESP é expressão de como o sistema de justiça brasileiro não tem como prioridade a garantia constitucional do direito de defesa. Partindo de uma discussão teórica sobre a relação entre o território e o setor terciário, além da análise de uma série de mapas, o trabalho mostra como a localização das 41 unidades de atendimento da DPESP constitui um primeiro obstáculo ao acesso: na maior parte dos municípios atendidos, as unidades localizam-se nas áreas centrais enquanto os pobres habitam as periferias urbanas. Os deslocamentos representam um custo maior justamente para aqueles que mais necessitam dos serviços. A investigação em cada um dos municípios revela também a insuficiência no número de defensores. Ultrapassando a questão das localizações, a pesquisa analisa ainda os problemas estruturais, evidenciando que o sistema capitalista produz pobreza e concentração de renda, o Estado atende prioritariamente aos interesses empresariais e a justiça concentra seus esforços na garantia da ordem necessária aos negócios. Neste sentido, além de uma abordagem teórica a respeito do capitalismo, do Estado e da justiça, o trabalho recorre a dados empíricos do estado de São Paulo para evidenciar a produção estrutural de pobreza e a seletividade das ações estatais. Para teste da hipótese, são analisados igualmente os aspectos históricos da estruturação do direito na sociedade capitalista, destacando sua importância específica para a garantia dos interesses comerciais. Além disso, fundamentandose em pesquisa bibliográfica, a investigação sobre as origens dos serviços de assistência jurídica gratuita e da criação das defensorias públicas revela como estes são o resultado de difíceis embates políticos e que sua existência não é uma consequência natural do sistema legal pensado pelos ideólogos iluministas. A principal conclusão deste trabalho é que as dificuldades hoje enfrentadas pelas defensorias são, em grande medida, a expressão de uma estrutura social produtora de desigualdades e seletiva na aplicação da justiça. Neste sentido, a solução do problema do acesso à justiça aos mais pobres não se esgota na expansão dos serviços das defensorias. Este é apenas o começo, a partir do qual as desigualdades podem se tornar mais evidentes e as pessoas mais conscientes e exigentes de transformações sociais profundas. / This paper investigates the limits to the constitutional guarantee of the right of defence in Brazil, starting from an analysis of the use of territory by the Public Defender\'s Office from São Paulo (DPESP), established in 2006, in the state of São Paulo. Once the public defenders provide free legal assistance almost exclusively to the poor, the study of their objects and actions could contribute to the understanding of these limits. The research will test the hypothesis that the use of territory in the state of São Paulo by DPESP expresses that the constitutional guarantee of the right of defence is not a priority of the Brazilian justice system. Based on a theoretical discussion on the relationship between the territory and the tertiary sector, as well as analysis of maps, the paper will demonstrate that the location of 41 units of DPESP is an initial barrier to access to their services: in most municipalities, the units are located in central areas while the poor inhabit the urban peripheries. To overcome such distance represents a higher cost precisely to those groups who most need of public services. An exam in each municipality reveals that the quantity of defenders is not enough to meet demand. The research will also analyse structural problems, suggesting that the capitalist system produces poverty and income concentration, the State caters primarily to business interests and justice focuses its efforts on ensuring the order necessary to business. Beyond a theoretical approach about capitalism, the State and justice, the paper draws on empirical data of the state of São Paulo to highlight the structural production of poverty and selectivity of state actions. To test the hypothesis, also are analysed the historical aspects of structuring the law in capitalist society, highlighting its importance to the guarantee of commercial interests. Also, based on literature, the research reveals that the free legal assistance services and the creation of public defender are the result of difficult political clashes and their existence is not a natural consequence of legal system thought by Enlightenment ideologues. The main conclusion of this study is that the difficulties faced by defenders are, to a large extent, the expression of a social structure producing inequalities and selective in the application of justice. The solution to the problem of access to justice for the poor does not end in the expansion of the services of defenders. This should be just the beginning, from which inequality may become more evident and people more aware and demanding of deeper social changes.

O objetivo central desta tese é o de compreender, a partir dos usos do território do estado de São Paulo pelo sistema penal, como são ampliadas as desigualdades socioespaciais, em diferentes escalas de análise do município ao território do estado federativo. Foi demonstrado como a prisão, um objeto do sistema penal, promove desigualdades espaciais pelo consumo acelerado de recursos econômicos do orçamento do Estado, mas também pela criação de locais e sujeitos estigmatizados. No entanto, malgrado o aumento exponencial dos recursos para expansão do sistema prisional paulista nos últimos anos, a prisão continua sendo ineficaz no combate à criminalidade. Mas consome, cada vez mais, somas maiores de recursos públicos em detrimento de outras áreas e demandas sociais. As desigualdades ampliadas por este processo podem responder por parte dos sentimentos de insegurança da população em tempos de globalização neoliberal. O sistema prisional o conjunto de todas as unidades prisionais que se articulam para cumprir diferentes regimes de privação de liberdade funciona de modo seletivo, atendendo interesses político-econômicos hegemônicos, em detrimento da garantia de igualdade de direitos entre todos os distintos sujeitos sociais que compõem a totalidade da sociedade brasileira. Deste modo, a seletividade penal envolve não apenas combate aos crimes, mas principalmente a repressão dos sujeitos sociais não hegemônicos, os mais reprimidos pelo braço penal do Estado. O aprisionamento, em conjunto com dois outros processos sociais contemporâneos - a seletividade da ação policial e a discriminação entre classes sociais nos tribunais - somado à escolha também seletiva dos territórios utilizados para implantação das novas unidades prisionais, expressa a reprodução das desigualdades espaciais no Estado de São Paulo neste início de Século XXI. Como alternativas à prisão, foram demonstradas possibilidades teóricas de se reverter este processo de ampliação das desigualdades espaciais, e de encontrar outras soluções para a conflitividade social. Elas passam tanto pelo redirecionamento dos usos do capital excedente pelo Estado, quanto pela conscientização social acerca dos principais mecanismos de sustentação dos sistemas penal e prisional na sociedade contemporânea. O que poderia promover mudanças culturais e, a partir delas, mudanças estruturais como, por exemplo, o fim da prisão. As novas possibilidades de uso dos recursos sociais e econômicos do Estado poderiam diminuir desigualdades espaciais, convergindo com outras formas de lida com as contradições da atual sociedade contemporânea capitalista. Um debate teórico e político bastante complexo, mas fundamental para constituição de um novo projeto civilizatório para São Paulo e para o Brasil, realizado a partir de contribuição inédita da ciência geográfica. / The main objective of this thesis was to understand as socio-spatial inequalities are magnified at different scales of analysis, from municipality to state, considering the territory use of the state of São Paulo by penal system. It was demonstrated how prison, an object of the penal system, promotes spatial inequalities not only by inflated consumption of economic resources from the state budget, but also by creating stigmatized individuals and locations. However, despite the exponential increase in resources to expand São Paulo prison system in recent years, the prison remains ineffective in combating crime. Moreover, it consumes increasingly larger sums of public funds at the expense of other areas and social demands. The inequalities enlarged by this process may account for part of the populations feelings of insecurity in times of neoliberal globalization. The prison system _ the set of all prisons that are organized to meet different regimes of detention _ works selectively, serving hegemonic political-economic interests in detriment of ensuring equal rights for all different social individuals that comprise the whole of Brazilian society. Thus, the criminal selectivity involves not only combating crimes, but also reprehending non-hegemonic social individuals, the most repressed by the state penal system. The imprisonment, together with two other contemporary social processes _ selectivity of police action and discrimination between social classes in the courts _, as well as the selective choice of territories used for deployment of new prisons, expressed the reproduction of spatial inequalities in the State of São Paulo at the beginning of the 21st Century. As alternatives to prison, theoretical possibilities have been demonstrated to reverse this process of expansion of spatial inequalities, and to find other solutions to social conflicts. Those alternatives involve redirecting the use of the surplus capital by the State, as well as creating social awareness about the key mechanisms that support criminal and prison systems in contemporary society; which could promote cultural and structural changes leading to the end of prisons. The new possibilities of social and economic resources of the state could reduce spatial inequalities, converging with other ways of dealing with contradictions of the current contemporary capitalist society. A rather complex theoretical and political debate would be essential for constituting a new civilization project for São Paulo and for Brazil, held from a unprecedented contribution from geographical science.

Cette thèse a un double objectif. En premier lieu, elle présente les méthodes ayant permis de construire deux bases de données historiques relatives aux départements français. La première met à disposition les tables de mortalité départementales sur la période 1901-2014. La seconde permet de disposer des distributions départementales de revenu sur la période 1960-2014. En second lieu, cette thèse présente les travaux issus de l'utilisation conjointe de ces deux bases de données et d'autres statistiques: ils concernent aussi bien les dynamiques longues des inégalités spatiales que certains évènements historiques. Ainsi, l'analyse de la répartition spatiale de la population depuis le milieu du 19eme siècle permet de comprendre à la fois la dynamique induite par l'exode rural, mais aussi par les nouvelles tendances des migrations d'aujourd'hui, différentes selon les âges. L'analyse des inégalités de mortalité depuis 200 ans montre quant à elle que les inégalités ont largement baissé depuis la fin du 19ème siècle, alors que la géographie de la surmortalité a profondément changé. Enfin, l'analyse des inégalités spatiales de revenus révèle une baisse continue des inégalités depuis les années 1920, baisse qui n'intervient que depuis 1950 si l'on introduit les inégalités de mortalité dans un indicateur synthétique de bien-être. La thèse se conclut par l'analyse des migrations internes durant la seconde guerre mondiale : leur caractère à la fois massif et à destination de la zone libre témoigne aussi bien de l'impact qu'a eu cet évènement sur la démographie française que de la formidable quête de la liberté des français de l'époque, peu entravée par la ligne de démarcation. / This thesis has a dual purpose. First, it presents the methods used to build two new historical databases relating to departments. The first database provides the departmental lifetables for the period 1901-20-14. The second database provides the departmental distributions of income over the period 1960-2014. Second, this thesis presents the first work resulting from the joint use of these two databases and other statistics: they concern both the dynamics of spatial inequalities and some specific historical events. Thus, the analysis of the spatial distribution of the population since the middle of the 19th century allows to understand the dynamics induced by the rural exodus, but also by the new trends of today's migrations. The analysis of mortality inequalities over the last 200 years shows that inequalities have fallen dramatically since the end of the 19th century, while the geography of excess mortality has changed. Finally, the analysis of spatial income inequalities reveals a continuous decline since the 1920s. This decline occurred only since 1950 spatial inequalities are observed using a synthetic indicator of welfare, combining both mortality inequalities and income inequalities. The thesis ends with the analysis of internal migrations during the Second World War: these migrations were massive, and clearly oriented towards the free zone. These results testify both to the impact of this event on French demography, and to the quest for freedom of the French of that time, little hampered by the demarcation line.

O objetivo central desta tese é o de compreender, a partir dos usos do território do estado de São Paulo pelo sistema penal, como são ampliadas as desigualdades socioespaciais, em diferentes escalas de análise do município ao território do estado federativo. Foi demonstrado como a prisão, um objeto do sistema penal, promove desigualdades espaciais pelo consumo acelerado de recursos econômicos do orçamento do Estado, mas também pela criação de locais e sujeitos estigmatizados. No entanto, malgrado o aumento exponencial dos recursos para expansão do sistema prisional paulista nos últimos anos, a prisão continua sendo ineficaz no combate à criminalidade. Mas consome, cada vez mais, somas maiores de recursos públicos em detrimento de outras áreas e demandas sociais. As desigualdades ampliadas por este processo podem responder por parte dos sentimentos de insegurança da população em tempos de globalização neoliberal. O sistema prisional o conjunto de todas as unidades prisionais que se articulam para cumprir diferentes regimes de privação de liberdade funciona de modo seletivo, atendendo interesses político-econômicos hegemônicos, em detrimento da garantia de igualdade de direitos entre todos os distintos sujeitos sociais que compõem a totalidade da sociedade brasileira. Deste modo, a seletividade penal envolve não apenas combate aos crimes, mas principalmente a repressão dos sujeitos sociais não hegemônicos, os mais reprimidos pelo braço penal do Estado. O aprisionamento, em conjunto com dois outros processos sociais contemporâneos - a seletividade da ação policial e a discriminação entre classes sociais nos tribunais - somado à escolha também seletiva dos territórios utilizados para implantação das novas unidades prisionais, expressa a reprodução das desigualdades espaciais no Estado de São Paulo neste início de Século XXI. Como alternativas à prisão, foram demonstradas possibilidades teóricas de se reverter este processo de ampliação das desigualdades espaciais, e de encontrar outras soluções para a conflitividade social. Elas passam tanto pelo redirecionamento dos usos do capital excedente pelo Estado, quanto pela conscientização social acerca dos principais mecanismos de sustentação dos sistemas penal e prisional na sociedade contemporânea. O que poderia promover mudanças culturais e, a partir delas, mudanças estruturais como, por exemplo, o fim da prisão. As novas possibilidades de uso dos recursos sociais e econômicos do Estado poderiam diminuir desigualdades espaciais, convergindo com outras formas de lida com as contradições da atual sociedade contemporânea capitalista. Um debate teórico e político bastante complexo, mas fundamental para constituição de um novo projeto civilizatório para São Paulo e para o Brasil, realizado a partir de contribuição inédita da ciência geográfica. / The main objective of this thesis was to understand as socio-spatial inequalities are magnified at different scales of analysis, from municipality to state, considering the territory use of the state of São Paulo by penal system. It was demonstrated how prison, an object of the penal system, promotes spatial inequalities not only by inflated consumption of economic resources from the state budget, but also by creating stigmatized individuals and locations. However, despite the exponential increase in resources to expand São Paulo prison system in recent years, the prison remains ineffective in combating crime. Moreover, it consumes increasingly larger sums of public funds at the expense of other areas and social demands. The inequalities enlarged by this process may account for part of the populations feelings of insecurity in times of neoliberal globalization. The prison system _ the set of all prisons that are organized to meet different regimes of detention _ works selectively, serving hegemonic political-economic interests in detriment of ensuring equal rights for all different social individuals that comprise the whole of Brazilian society. Thus, the criminal selectivity involves not only combating crimes, but also reprehending non-hegemonic social individuals, the most repressed by the state penal system. The imprisonment, together with two other contemporary social processes _ selectivity of police action and discrimination between social classes in the courts _, as well as the selective choice of territories used for deployment of new prisons, expressed the reproduction of spatial inequalities in the State of São Paulo at the beginning of the 21st Century. As alternatives to prison, theoretical possibilities have been demonstrated to reverse this process of expansion of spatial inequalities, and to find other solutions to social conflicts. Those alternatives involve redirecting the use of the surplus capital by the State, as well as creating social awareness about the key mechanisms that support criminal and prison systems in contemporary society; which could promote cultural and structural changes leading to the end of prisons. The new possibilities of social and economic resources of the state could reduce spatial inequalities, converging with other ways of dealing with contradictions of the current contemporary capitalist society. A rather complex theoretical and political debate would be essential for constituting a new civilization project for São Paulo and for Brazil, held from a unprecedented contribution from geographical science.

Este trabalho investiga os limites à garantia constitucional do direito de defesa no Brasil, partindo de uma análise do uso do território paulista pela Defensoria Pública do Estado de São Paulo (DPESP), criada em 2006. Uma vez que as defensorias públicas oferecem assistência jurídica gratuita quase que exclusivamente aos pobres, o estudo de seus objetos e ações muito contribui para a compreensão destes limites. Assim, a pesquisa tem como objetivo testar a hipótese de que o uso do território paulista pela DPESP é expressão de como o sistema de justiça brasileiro não tem como prioridade a garantia constitucional do direito de defesa. Partindo de uma discussão teórica sobre a relação entre o território e o setor terciário, além da análise de uma série de mapas, o trabalho mostra como a localização das 41 unidades de atendimento da DPESP constitui um primeiro obstáculo ao acesso: na maior parte dos municípios atendidos, as unidades localizam-se nas áreas centrais enquanto os pobres habitam as periferias urbanas. Os deslocamentos representam um custo maior justamente para aqueles que mais necessitam dos serviços. A investigação em cada um dos municípios revela também a insuficiência no número de defensores. Ultrapassando a questão das localizações, a pesquisa analisa ainda os problemas estruturais, evidenciando que o sistema capitalista produz pobreza e concentração de renda, o Estado atende prioritariamente aos interesses empresariais e a justiça concentra seus esforços na garantia da ordem necessária aos negócios. Neste sentido, além de uma abordagem teórica a respeito do capitalismo, do Estado e da justiça, o trabalho recorre a dados empíricos do estado de São Paulo para evidenciar a produção estrutural de pobreza e a seletividade das ações estatais. Para teste da hipótese, são analisados igualmente os aspectos históricos da estruturação do direito na sociedade capitalista, destacando sua importância específica para a garantia dos interesses comerciais. Além disso, fundamentandose em pesquisa bibliográfica, a investigação sobre as origens dos serviços de assistência jurídica gratuita e da criação das defensorias públicas revela como estes são o resultado de difíceis embates políticos e que sua existência não é uma consequência natural do sistema legal pensado pelos ideólogos iluministas. A principal conclusão deste trabalho é que as dificuldades hoje enfrentadas pelas defensorias são, em grande medida, a expressão de uma estrutura social produtora de desigualdades e seletiva na aplicação da justiça. Neste sentido, a solução do problema do acesso à justiça aos mais pobres não se esgota na expansão dos serviços das defensorias. Este é apenas o começo, a partir do qual as desigualdades podem se tornar mais evidentes e as pessoas mais conscientes e exigentes de transformações sociais profundas. / This paper investigates the limits to the constitutional guarantee of the right of defence in Brazil, starting from an analysis of the use of territory by the Public Defender\'s Office from São Paulo (DPESP), established in 2006, in the state of São Paulo. Once the public defenders provide free legal assistance almost exclusively to the poor, the study of their objects and actions could contribute to the understanding of these limits. The research will test the hypothesis that the use of territory in the state of São Paulo by DPESP expresses that the constitutional guarantee of the right of defence is not a priority of the Brazilian justice system. Based on a theoretical discussion on the relationship between the territory and the tertiary sector, as well as analysis of maps, the paper will demonstrate that the location of 41 units of DPESP is an initial barrier to access to their services: in most municipalities, the units are located in central areas while the poor inhabit the urban peripheries. To overcome such distance represents a higher cost precisely to those groups who most need of public services. An exam in each municipality reveals that the quantity of defenders is not enough to meet demand. The research will also analyse structural problems, suggesting that the capitalist system produces poverty and income concentration, the State caters primarily to business interests and justice focuses its efforts on ensuring the order necessary to business. Beyond a theoretical approach about capitalism, the State and justice, the paper draws on empirical data of the state of São Paulo to highlight the structural production of poverty and selectivity of state actions. To test the hypothesis, also are analysed the historical aspects of structuring the law in capitalist society, highlighting its importance to the guarantee of commercial interests. Also, based on literature, the research reveals that the free legal assistance services and the creation of public defender are the result of difficult political clashes and their existence is not a natural consequence of legal system thought by Enlightenment ideologues. The main conclusion of this study is that the difficulties faced by defenders are, to a large extent, the expression of a social structure producing inequalities and selective in the application of justice. The solution to the problem of access to justice for the poor does not end in the expansion of the services of defenders. This should be just the beginning, from which inequality may become more evident and people more aware and demanding of deeper social changes.

Inequalities in levels of health between regions within a country are frequently regarded as a problem. Zimbabwe is characterised by poor and unequal conditions of health (both the state of people’s health and health services). The health system of the country shows severe spatial inequalities that are manifested at provincial, district and even local levels. This research therefore examines and analyses the spatial inequalities and temporal variation of health conditions in Zimbabwe. Composite indices were used to determine the people’s state of health in Zimbabwe. Administrative districts were ranked according to the level of people’s state of health. Cluster analysis was also performed to demarcate administrative districts according the level of health service provision. Districts with minimum difference were demarcated in a single cluster. Clusters were delineated using data on patterns of diseases and health and such clusters were used to demarcate the country’s spatial health system according to the Adapted Epidemiological Transition Model. This was used to evaluate the applicability of the model to Zimbabwe. It emerged from the research that generally the country’s health conditions are poor and the health system is characterised by severe spatial inequalities. Some districts are experiencing poor health service provision and serious health challenges and are still in the age of pestilence and famine but others have good health service provision as well as highly developed health conditions and are in the age degenerative diseases of the epidemiological transition model. It further emerged that the country’s health has been evolving with signs of improvement since the 1990s. Recommendations were made regarding possible adjustment to previous strategies and policies used in Zimbabwe, for the development of the health system of the country. New strategies were also recommended for the improvement of the health system of the country. Some proposals are made for further research on the spatial development of health in the country. / Geography / D. Litt et. Phil. (Geography)

Inequalities in levels of health between regions within a country are frequently regarded as a problem. Zimbabwe is characterised by poor and unequal conditions of health (both the state of people’s health and health services). The health system of the country shows severe spatial inequalities that are manifested at provincial, district and even local levels. This research therefore examines and analyses the spatial inequalities and temporal variation of health conditions in Zimbabwe. Composite indices were used to determine the people’s state of health in Zimbabwe. Administrative districts were ranked according to the level of people’s state of health. Cluster analysis was also performed to demarcate administrative districts according the level of health service provision. Districts with minimum difference were demarcated in a single cluster. Clusters were delineated using data on patterns of diseases and health and such clusters were used to demarcate the country’s spatial health system according to the Adapted Epidemiological Transition Model. This was used to evaluate the applicability of the model to Zimbabwe. It emerged from the research that generally the country’s health conditions are poor and the health system is characterised by severe spatial inequalities. Some districts are experiencing poor health service provision and serious health challenges and are still in the age of pestilence and famine but others have good health service provision as well as highly developed health conditions and are in the age degenerative diseases of the epidemiological transition model. It further emerged that the country’s health has been evolving with signs of improvement since the 1990s. Recommendations were made regarding possible adjustment to previous strategies and policies used in Zimbabwe, for the development of the health system of the country. New strategies were also recommended for the improvement of the health system of the country. Some proposals are made for further research on the spatial development of health in the country. / Geography / D. Litt et. Phil. (Geography)