The thesis evaluates the significance of sport's contribution to the end of apartheid by locating sport in a network of international relations. Sports diplomacy is identified as a relatively low-cost, low-risk but high profile tool of diplomatic policy. It is argued that the profile of sport in South Africa made the apartheid system particularly susceptible to sports based protest. The study makes a case for a degree of theoretical fusion to provide an appropriate context within which to analyse the unique nature of the Anti-Apartheid campaign. As an international issue, the politics of the Anti-Apartheid movement are substantially encapsulated within a pluralist framework. It is acknowledged that to rely totally on such a framework would risk failing to capture the multi-layered nature of the conflict over apartheid. An adapted version of hegemony sport theory is therefore used to conceptualise the South African social formation and the practice of sport therein. In the absence of quantitative measures, two measures of significance are proposed. First, the capacity of sports based protest to influence the policies of international sports organisations and international bodies such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth. Second, the ability of sport to prompt responses from the government and in doing so, for sport to act as a prototype for more politically significant measures that paved the way for the transformation to democracy. Attention is paid to the processes through which sport became a globally visible feature of the Anti-Apartheid movement. It is argued that the global profile of sport contributed to a more coherent understanding of apartheid policies and in tum prompted policy actors to penalise (white) South Africa in the form of international isolation from sport. The research for the thesis has been conducted part-time since February 1994. It necessitated a research visit to South Mrica in the summer of 1997, and involved primary and secondary data collection, and elite interviewing in both South Mrica and the United Kingdom. Unpublished data sources in Pretoria and Cape Town, and South African newspapers have been used extensively. It is concluded that domestic sports protest highlighted the injustices of apartheid to the international community and contributed to establishing a non-racial ideology that is the foundation of democratic South Africa. International sports sanctions, in the form of the sports boycott of South Mrica, provided a form of cultural diplomacy to state and non-state actors alike that fulfilled an important symbolic function and served to maintain the profile of the Anti-Apartheid campaign as an important global social movement. The accelerated readmission of South Mrica to international sport was an example that sports sanctions were also designed to promote change in addition to their punitive intent.

Are there any consequences of using sports diplomacy? This thesis will look into sports diplomacy in the recent FIFA 2018 and 2022 cases from the lens of the European Parliament. Large sporting events have grown into an international phenomenon, that has been studied from the premises of power. As critique did rise from the cases of FIFA 2018 and 2022, my approach is to analyse the consequence of failed sports diplomacy, how using soft power tactics play in the international political field and how sports play a part in politics. This thesis will use discourse analysis to find the key reasons for EP’s dissatisfaction with FIFA 2018 and 2022.

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本研究旨在藉由中國大陸與台灣公眾外交策略、官方文獻、新聞稿、研究報告、著作之搜集，分析比較兩岸公眾外交的思維發展、制度沿革、文化交流、國際傳播、形象塑造等，主要的研究發現如下： 一、因應無國界挑戰環境，網路科技是公眾外交的利器：處於瞬息萬變的資訊化、全球化、民主化時代，公眾外交必須善加利用網路科技，方能因應無國界、無時差之挑戰。 二、支助非政府組織推動公眾外交：政府不被信任是常有的事情。非政府組織強調獨立、非營利與專業，活動形式靈活多樣，與民眾關係也較密切，較官方機關更受人們信任。因此，政府支助非政府組織推動公眾外交，將獲得更明顯的成效。 三、公眾外交傳遞之訊息，其包裝須符合目標國家需求：設計訊息時，要有一個清晰的主題。在傳遞訊息之前，要了解接受訊息一方的需要，以他們能明白的方式去發送訊息。為吸引目標對象的注意，訊息內容除了要符合對方的國情外，還要以創意或新奇的手法包裝。 四、研究機構及媒體最能塑造輿論，是公眾外交的重點目標對象：研究機構及媒體之意見受到很多人的重視，會直接影響社會菁英及大眾。政府經常與各國智庫、基金會及大學等研究機構建立合作關係，共同提倡某些議題或政策，並藉由媒體塑造有利於本國的輿論環境，推動外交關係的發展。 五、設計推動公眾外交的跨部門協調機制：公眾外交涵蓋資訊、文化、教育等領域，有賴不同機關協力合作，但不同機關基於本位思考，難免意見相左，因此有必要設計一個跨部門的協調機制。 六、突發事件中之公眾外交，在於盡快提供正確的資訊：當突發事件發生時，由於資訊不明，國內外民眾詮釋危機訊息時，經常各自表述，公眾外交必須盡快提供正確的資訊，積極掌控全盤。 七、體育外交係較為國際社會所能接受之公眾外交活動：體育被譽為「世界通用語言」，可以讓不同血統、背景、宗教信仰和經濟狀況的各國人民共聚一堂，互相學習、瞭解、欣賞不同文化。 八、國民素質、文化活動、消費產品及對國際社會之貢獻係塑造國家形象之關鍵：公眾外交重要的目標就是形塑良好的國家形象。從研究分析形塑國家形象經驗中，了解塑造國家形象關鍵在於注重國民素質之培養、善用文化活動、提高消費產品信譽，以及對國外民眾做出實質貢獻，建立休戚與共與互惠關係。 / The research is aimed at studying ideology, institution, cultural exchanges, international communication of public diplomacy in Mainland China and Taiwan. After analyzing the relevant policies, official literature, news releases, and publications, I come up with the following research findings: First, internet technology is an efficient instrument of public diplomacy to cope with boundless environment. In the face of ever-changing global and democratic environment equipped with information technology, a government should make the most of internet technology to deal with real-time challenges transcending national borders. Second, a government may sponsor non-governmental organizations to implement public diplomacy. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) attach great importance on their independence, non-profit programs and expertise. Moreover, by means of various and lively activities, NGOs establish close relations with the public, and thus are more trusted by the public than governments. In this context, a government may sponsor NGOs to launch public diplomacy and will bring about lasting effects. Third, a message to be delivered should meet the needs of the target audience. A message should be clear to the receiver and framed from the receiver’s point of view. Besides, to attract the target audience’s attention, the message should be delivered in a novice manner. Most importantly, the message will be perceived by both the sender and the receiver in the same way. Fourth, public diplomacy targets research organizations and the media to construct public opinion. As the majority of the public pay attention to the suggestions and advice from research organizations and the media, research organizations and the media can exert deep influences on the social elite and the public. As a result, a government always teams up with such research organizations as think tanks, foundations and universities to advocate certain issues or policies. Meanwhile, favorable public opinion will be built through the assistance of the media to develop foreign relations. Fifth, an inter-agency coordinating mechanism should be designed. Related with various aspects like information, culture and education, public diplomacy depends on relevant agencies to work hand in hand. However, given that different agencies surely have conflicting opinions, it is necessary to design an inter-agency coordinating mechanism. Sixth, timely leading public opinion is a key to dealing with unexpected events. As unclear or confusing information is rampant in an unexpected event, people at home and abroad are likely to make their own interpretation. A government should release accurate information as soon as possible to dominate the whole situation. Seventh, sports diplomacy is the most well received activity of public diplomacy. Dubbed the world’s common language, sports can bring all kinds of peoples together regardless of race, background, religion, and economic status and learn from each other. Eighth, national overall quality, cultural activities, consumer products, and contributions to the international community play a vital role in building a national image. Successfully building a national image lies in improving the national overall quality, making the most of cultural activities, enhancing the credibility of consumer products, and establishing mutually beneficial relations with the people abroad.

The purpose of this thesis is to explain how sports events, in which North and South Korea have in some way worked or competed together, have affected the relationship between the two nations. This is carried out through the investigation of specific events; the 1988 Seoul Summer Olympics, the competing of the joint table tennis- and football teams in 1991, the cooperation happening during the “sunshine policy”, from 1998 until 2008, as well as the 2018 Pyeongchang Winter Olympics. The studied material consists mostly of news reports and scientific works.   The result shows that while cooperation in sports is possible between the two Koreas, they have occurred only under favourable political circumstances. It is also concluded that the sports events have in return affected the inter-Korean relationship, and this cooperation has also generated further discussions between the two Koreas, a so called “spillover effect”. / Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att förklara hur sportevenemang, i vilka Nord- och Sydkorea har på något sätt samarbetat eller tävlat gemensamt, har påverkat relationen mellan de två länderna. Det här genomförs genom en undersökning av specifika evenemang; 1988 års sommar-OS i Seoul, tävlingarna 1991 där de förenade pingis- och fotbollslagen deltog, samarbetet under ”Solskenspolitiken”, från 1998 till 2008, såväl som 2018 års vinter-OS i Pyeongchang. Underlaget består mestadels utav nyhetsreportage och vetenskapliga rapporter.    Resultatet visar att även om samarbete i sport är möjligt mellan de två länderna på den koreanska halvön, har dessa bara inträffat under gynnsamma politiska omständigheter. Det kommer även fram att sportevenemang i sin tur har påverkat den interkoreanska relationen och även genererat fortsatta diskussioner mellan Nord- och Sydkorea, en så kallad ”spridningseffekt".

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Mémoire financé par la bourse de recherche à la maîtrise des Fonds de Recherche du Québec - Société et Culture / Depuis qu’il a obtenu les droits d’organisation de la Coupe du monde de football en 2010, le Qatar s’efforce de devenir un acteur majeur dans le domaine du sport. Bien que les responsables qataris aient déclaré que ces investissements visaient à diversifier l’économie et à promouvoir un mode de vie sain dans l’émirat, ils peuvent également être considérés comme des moyens de montrer sa puissance et de changer l’opinion internationale sur le pays. Bien que les motivations qui sous-tendent les investissements de l’État dans le sport aient été étudiées, aucune recherche n’a cherché à savoir si ces stratégies avaient des effets réels mesurables. À l’aide d’une analyse quantitative du contenu et d’une analyse de régression, nous cherchons à savoir si la stratégie de diplomatie sportive du Qatar a eu un effet sur la couverture du pays dans le New York Times entre 1980 et 2023. Notre étude suggère qu’en organisant davantage d’événements sportifs majeurs et en accueillant la Coupe du monde 2022, le Qatar a pu augmenter le volume et le poids de sa couverture dans le New York Times. D’autres éléments de la stratégie, comme l’achat du club de football français Paris Saint-Germain, n’ont pas eu d’effet sur la couverture médiatique du Royaume. En ce qui concerne la tonalité des articles, seule la Coupe du monde 2022 a eu un effet et a produit une couverture plus positive. Plus le Qatar s’est fait connaître, plus il a suscité une couverture négative, notamment en ce qui concerne le traitement des travailleurs immigrés qui construisent les infrastructures pour les évènements sportifs. / Since gaining the hosting rights to the World Cup in 2010, Qatar has been competing to become a major actor in sports. While Qatari officials have said that these investments were to diversify the economy and promote and healthy lifestyle in the emirate, they can also be understood as ways to show power and to change the international opinion of the country. Although the motivations behind state investment in sports have been studied, no research has studied if such strategies had any actual measurable effects. Using quantitative content analysis and regression analysis, we investigate if Qatar’s sports diplomacy strategy has had any effect on the coverage of the country in the New York Times between 1980 and 2023. Our study suggests that by hosting more major sporting events and by hosting the 2022 World Cup, Qatar was able to increase the volume and the weight of its coverage in the New York Times. Other elements of the strategy like the purchase of French football club Paris Saint-Germain didn’t have any effect on the Kingdom’s coverage. Regarding the tonality of articles only the 2022 World Cup had an effect and produced a more positive coverage. As Qatar got more exposure, it also brought more negative coverage notably regarding the treatment of migrant workers building the infrastructure for the sporting events.