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Diss. Uppsala : Sveriges lantbruksuniv., 2003.

This thesis analyzes the debate revolving around the concept of civil society in Turkey with reference to academic literature. It argues that despite the seeming variety of approaches to the concept of civil society, there is an underlying commonality among the widespread usages of the concept. These seemingly different approaches in the end become the versions of the same hegemonic view. This, in turn, causes a vicious circle in the civil society debate in Turkey. The basis upon which this hegemonic view is built are the central premises of the liberal idea of civil society. With its constant reference to the strong state-weak civil society dichotomy / to the &lsquo / ideal&rsquo / of civil society as a checking mechanism over the state / and to a particular understanding of pluralism without antagonism and with an emphasis on consensus, this view underlies the majority of scholarly works in Turkey. However, important aspects of civil society are ignored by this hegemonic position. In order to render the concept of civil society a useful analytical tool there is a need to underline that state and civil society do not exist as distinct entities and that the relations characterizing civil society are not characterized by the liberal idea of harmonious pluralism but by uneven power relations resulting in inequalities as well as marginalization, exclusion, and silencing of some in the society. Thus, the Marxist conception of civil society can open the gate for a more fruitful usage of the concept of civil society for socio-political analysis.

The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between state and civil society. The last decades there has been major changes across state, market and civil society. During these changes, civil society has become an important part of the welfare service. In this study an idea-driven public partnership (IOP) in Malmö is examine. My theoretical starting point is Gramsci’s concept of hegemony, integral state, consent-coercion and Jonathan Davies concept of creeping managerialism. Using interviews and document studies I am able to deepen the understanding of state-civil society relationships. The result of the analysis shows that the case study is an example of when civil society is compliant to the hegemonic order. This can be understood on the basis that civil society is also part of the hegemonic order. The strong actors in civil society, together with the state and capital, are all part of the historical bloc that governs society. Lastly, the study indicates managerialism in the partnership.

Doctor Theologiae - DTh / Reconstruction theology is widely regarded as one of the most influential approaches to contemporary African Christian theology - alongside others such as inculturation theology, liberation theology, African women's theology, evangelical theology and Pentecostal theology. In this thesis I offer a critical assessment of one of the main exponents of such reconstruction theology, namely the Kenyan theologian Jesse Mugambi. I explore the question of how his position on the notion of reconstruction should be understood. One point of entry into understanding Mugambi's views on reconstruction is to explore his position on the relationship between the church and the coming reign of God. In the history of Christianity this relationship has been understood in widely divergent ways. The task of this thesis will therefore be to examine, position, analyse and assess Mugambi's particular view in this regard. This will be done on the basis of a close reading of Mugambi's publications such as African Christian Theology: an Introduction (1989), From Liberation to Reconstruction: African Christian Theology after the Cold War (1995), Christian Theology and Social Reconstruction (2003), and numerous chapters in publications by African theologians.

<p>U radu nastojimo da pokažemo da Hegelovi pojmovi spekulativne logike, povesti i objektivnog duha omogućuju da se u potpunosti shvati Aristotelov pojam praktičkog i njegovo razvijanje. Aristotelova praktčka filozofija bivstvo praktičkog dovodi do pojma=logosa, te vladajući pojam=logos praktičkih stvari, koji nije izvan onog alogičkog=žudnje, omogućuje delatnost=energeiju praktičkog. Pojam=logos praktičkog u Aristotela stoga nema teorijski i retrospektivni karakter u samom praktičkom kako to izvodi hermeneutička filozofija, već upravo jeste su&scaron;tina praktičkog odno&scaron;enja koju izlaže i ističe Aristotelova praktička filozofija. Spekulativni pojam onog praktičnog je tačka jedinstva Aristotelove i Hegelove filozofije. Hegel u pojmu političke=unutra&scaron;nje države kao običajnosnog organizma prevladava uz očuvanje Aristotelov logos entelehije polisa=pojam dejstvenosti grada-države. Razlika Aristotelove i Hegelove filozofije o praktičkom je povesna, sistemska i logička. Povesna razlika leži u Hegelovom situiranju modernog principa subjektivnosti kao prava posebnosti subjekta na zadovoljenje u pojam građanskog dru&scaron;tva sistema filozofije prava, te u sledstvenom specifičnom podru&scaron;tvljenju kako privatne sfere tako i sfere države. Logička razlika leži u Hegelovom određenju ideje praktičkog saznanja=ideje objektivnog duha i apsolutne ideje u sistemu spekulativne logike.</p> / <p>In the paper we are trying to show that Hegel&#39;s concepts of speculative logic, history and objective spirit are enabling us to fully understand Aristotle&#39;s concept of practical and its development. Aristotle&rsquo;s practical philosophy brings the being of practical down to the concept=logos, and the ruling concept=logos, that is not beyond the a-logical=desire, enables the effectiveness=energy of the practical. Therefore, with Aristotle, the concept=logos of practical does not have a historical and retrospective nature in the practical itself the way hermeneutic philosophy derives it, but it is the very essence of the practical relation proposed and accented by Aristotle&rsquo;s philosophy of practical.<br />Speculative concept of the practical is the point of unity between Aristotle&rsquo;s and Hegel&rsquo;s philosophy. Hegel, in the concept of political=inner state as ethical life overrules with retention Aristotle&rsquo;s logos of polis entelechy=concept of the effectiveness of the city-state. The difference between Aristotle&rsquo;s and Hegel&rsquo;s philosophy on practical is historical, systematic and logical. The historical difference is in Hegel&rsquo;s placement of modern principle of subjectivity as the right of one&rsquo;s individuality to satisfaction into the concept of civil system of the philosophy of right, and in the specific consequential socialization as both a private affair and a state one. Logical difference is in the Hegel&rsquo;s specification of the idea of practical cognition=idea of the objective spirit and an absolute idea in the system of speculative logic.</p>

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tania da Costa.pdf: 911265 bytes, checksum: 72aea3b8bca5e6e74eec7eec77900cea (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation has as its object the participation of the CPS in the deliberative dynamics of the CMS of Diadema/SP, in the period from 2008 to 2010. The general objective of the research was to analyze the participation of the CPS in the deliberative dynamics of the CMS, aiming at understanding the nature and the extent of this institutionalized participation. The driving question was: how did the participation of the CPS in the deliberative dynamics of the CMS of Diadema in the period from 2008 to 2010 take place? Our hypothesis is that the participation of the CPS in the deliberative dynamics of the CMS is institutionalized, the councilors possessing political representativeness as a result of having been directly elected by the population, but also exhibiting liabilities related to their lack of technical qualifications on health issues and to their limited political protagonism, especially with regard to issues of autonomy and articulation with the powers of political and civil society. The basic conceptual references adopted State/Civil Society; health; participation and councils were fundamented mostly on contemporary Brazilian authors. The adopted methodology was that of qualitative research, consisting of a literature review in the areas of Sociology, Social Service, and Collective Health; documental research in the private archives of local leaders, in the Municipal Institute of Studies, in Diadema s municipal offices, among others; fieldwork, comprising the realization of semi-structured interviews with nine research subjects, those being: six CMS councilors, two former mayors and a long-standing leader in the health area. For the analysis of these data, the techniques of documental analysis and content analysis were used. The results of the research show, on the one hand, the relevance of the participation of the CPS in the deliberative dynamics of the CMS, due to the fact that the former s councilors are elected by the users of the healthcare system, and on the other hand, the liabilities of this participation, resulting from both the parallel institutionalization involving the CPS and the CMS and the councilors lack of technical qualifications and limitations in their political protagonism / A presente dissertação teve por objeto a participação do CPS na dinâmica deliberativa do CMS de Diadema/SP, no período compreendido entre os anos de 2008 a 2010. O objetivo geral da pesquisa foi analisar a participação do CPS na dinâmica deliberativa do CMS, tendo em vista compreender a natureza e alcance dessa participação institucionalizada. Elaborou-se como pergunta norteadora: Como se efetivou a participação do CPS na dinâmica deliberativa do CMS de Diadema no período de 2008 a 2010? A hipótese formulada foi de que a participação do CPS na dinâmica deliberativa do CMS revela ser institucionalizada, com legitimidade política dos conselheiros, por terem sido eleitos diretamente pela população, mas com fragilidades, em virtude de seu despreparo técnico sobre questões de saúde e de limitações em seu protagonismo político, notadamente nas questões de autonomia e articulação com os poderes da sociedade política e da sociedade civil. As referências conceituais básicas adotadas Estado/Sociedade Civil; Saúde; Participação e Conselhos foram fundamentadas em autores contemporâneos, em sua maioria brasileiros. A metodologia utilizada foi a pesquisa qualitativa, compreendendo levantamentos bibliográficos nas áreas de Sociologia, Serviço Social e Saúde Coletiva; pesquisa documental em arquivos pessoais de lideranças locais, Instituto de Estudos Municipais, órgãos municipais de Diadema e outros; pesquisa de campo, com a realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas com nove sujeitos da pesquisa, sendo: seis conselheiros do CMS, dois ex-prefeitos e uma liderança histórica da área da Saúde. Para análise dos dados foram aplicadas as técnicas de análise documental e de conteúdo. Os resultados da pesquisa demonstraram, principalmente, de um lado, a relevância da participação do CPS na dinâmica deliberativa do CMS, pelo fato de serem os conselheiros eleitos pela população usuária da Saúde; e de outro lado, a fragilidade dessa participação, tanto pelo fato da institucionalização paralela entre o CPS e o CMS, como pelo despreparo técnico e limitações do protagonismo político dos conselheiros

Policy networks is a body of literature dedicated to modelling state-civil society relationship formats. In this particular relationship, an interest group with privileged (insider) access to the party in power gains advantage in the policy-making process by utilizing party’s ability to make political appointments in the civil service. The parentela (or type 1 parentela) was first discovered by Joseph La Palombara (1964) in 1960s Italy and was documented later again by Greer (1994) in 1920s-1970s Northern Ireland. Still, there has been no parentela research since 1994, save for Yishai (1992), who argued the parentela did not exist in Israel in 1980s. It seems the concept is considered of little utility to the academic community today. At the same time, as a category of policy networks, the parentela is also susceptible to the wider criticism of Thatcher (1997) and Dowding (1995; 2001) that the policy network literature is unable to introduce causal dynamics in its models and distinguish between network features and network independent variables. This study, therefore, addresses both criticisms by studying the party-group-civil service relationship in Bulgaria, for the period 2013-2015, using 26 elite interviews and a number of cases. Results show that this particular policy network is still viable today. They support Yishai (1992) that hegemonic parties have no effect on parentela formation. The study demonstrates that the cooperation between ruling parties, in need of funds, and organised businesses (groups), in need of market advantage, produces the parentela. In a case study on construction tenders, the study demonstrates La Palombara’s parentela, by exposing the process of how ruling parties intervene in the civil service through political appointees to ensure construction projects are granted to their party insider groups. The study also discovers a new parentela dynamic, labelled as type 2 parentela, where the party intervention extends further to the free market by affecting party insider’s market competitors through prejudiced regulatory inspections that disrupt targeted businesses’ operations temporarily or altogether.

Cette thèse porte sur le rôle des organismes communautaires entre 1994 et 2002 dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté au Québec et en Irlande et ce, dans un contexte de gouvernance. Au cours de années 1980 et 1990, des gouvernements, dont ceux du Québec et de l’Irlande, ont fait appel à des organismes communautaires pour que ceux-ci participent à la gestion des services sociaux ainsi qu’à la formulation des politiques sociales. Cette participation s’est inscrite dans le cadre de nouveaux arrangements politiques, soit des nouvelles formes de gouvernance alors que les gouvernements éprouvaient des difficultés à remédier à l’accroissement des inégalités sociales. Cependant, il demeure difficile de discerner en quoi l’établissement de ces nouvelles formes de gouvernance a façonné le rôle des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration des politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. De plus, les partenariats sociaux en Irlande relèvent d’un processus davantage institué que la concertation au Québec, ce qui a entraîné des différences au plan des mobilisations sociales. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc celui de mieux cerner le lien entre les nouvelles formes de gouvernance et la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. L’hypothèse mise en avant est que l’efficacité de l’action collective dépend de la manière dont les organismes communautaires s’y prennent pour pallier l’incertitude qui caractérise les modes de gouvernance. Sur le plan théorique, cette thèse mise sur les interactions entre acteurs et, plus particulièrement, sur la formation de réseaux de politiques publiques. Cela implique plus précisément de cerner comment les acteurs coordonnent des activités entre eux et se rallient autour d’un même thème, comme celui de la lutte contre la pauvreté. Lorsque la coordination des activités est forte et que le ralliement autour d’un même thème est important, on parle de coalition de cause. La nécessité de former une coalition se produit dans le contexte d’un champ institutionnel incertain, comme c’est le cas pour les mécanismes de concertation au Québec. Mais le caractère incertain du champ institutionnel entraîne aussi des divergences à l’intérieur de la coalition instaurée à cette occasion, ayant pour effet d’affaiblir la mobilisation sociale. Ainsi, l’interprétation que font les organismes communautaires des nouvelles formes de gouvernance façonne la manière dont ces organismes vont définir la lutte contre la pauvreté et élaborer leurs stratégies. Sur le plan méthodologique, le choix des cas de l’Irlande et du Québec repose dans les différences qui existent en termes de gouvernance et ce, alors qu’ils partagent de fortes similarités. Tant l’Irlande que le Québec sont caractérisés par des économies de marché ouvertes, des régimes d’État-providence de type libéral ainsi que l’emprise, par le passé, de l’Église catholique dans les services sociaux. Cependant, ces deux cas diffèrent en ce qui concerne le rôle de l’État, le système électoral, le statut juridico-politique, le caractère de leur économie et la place occupée par le milieu communautaire par rapport à l’État. Ces différences permettent de rendre compte du moins en ce qui concerne le Québec et l’Irlande, de la manière dont l’action collective découle de la relation entre les stratégies des acteurs et le contexte dans lequel ils se situent. Cette thèse montre comment, dans un processus davantage institué, comme c’est le cas des partenariats sociaux en Irlande, la mobilisation sociale s’avère plus efficace que lorsqu’elle se situe dans le cadre d’un processus moins institué, comme ce qu’on peut observer avec la concertation au Québec. Bien que, dans les deux cas, l’influence du milieu communautaire en matière des politiques sociales demeure mitigée, la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires irlandais s’est avérée plus efficace que celle de leurs homologues québécois eu égard de la formulation de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. Au Québec, bien que les organismes communautaires sont parvenus à former une coalition, soit le Collectif pour une loi sur l’élimination de la pauvreté, leur mobilisation s’est trouvée affaiblie en raison de la prédominance de divergences entre acteurs communautaires. De telles divergences étaient aggravées en raison du caractère incertain du champ institutionnel lié à la concertation. En Irlande, bien que les organismes communautaires ont dû faire face à des contraintes qui rendaient difficiles la formation d’une coalition, ceux-ci ont pu néanmoins se mobiliser autrement, notamment en raison de liens formés avec des fonctionnaires dans le cadre des ententes partenariales. / This dissertation concentrates on the role community organisations played between 1994 and 2002 in the development of anti-poverty policies in Québec and in Ireland. The elaboration of these policies took place within a context characterized by new forms of governance, that is new political arrangements designed to include non-governmental actors in the policy process. Indeed, since the 1980s and 1990s, community organizations have been called upon by their governments to take part in the delivery of social services and, in particular, in the development of anti-poverty policies. This comes at a time when governments are having difficulty addressing social inequalities. But despite greater inclusion of community organizations into the policy process, the extent of their role in social policy development remains difficult to ascertain. This is made all the more difficult on account of institutional differences, like those that exist between social partnerships in Ireland and cooperation-based initiatives (« la concertation ») in Québec. The objective of this dissertation is therefore to understand how new forms of governance shaped community organizations’ efforts to mobilize around the fight against poverty. The hypothesis put forth in this dissertation is that collective action is shaped by the way in which community organizations compose with the uncertainty which characterizes new modes of governance. The theoretical framework focuses on the way in which actors interact in the course of the development of anti-poverty policies. These interactions are characterized by the formation of policy networks. Their cohesion depends on the extent to which actors coordinate their activities and also rally around a similar theme, like that of fighting against poverty and social exclusion. When a policy network is highly cohesive, it resembles an advocacy coalition. This happens when actors’ mobilization efforts take place within a less institutionalized process. Because such a process is marked by uncertainty, it becomes necessary for actors such as community organizations to form a coalition. However, with that uncertainty differences emerge over strategy within such a coalition. As a result, the formation of a coalition does not, in and of itself, guarantee a strong mobilization. Put simply, community organizations’ efforts depend on the way in which they interpret the new forms of governance in which they participate. From a methodological standpoint, the choice to study Québec and Ireland on a comparative basis lies in the fact that although the two cases share strong similarities, they differ sharply when it comes to governance. Both are small open economies, have liberal welfare states and have, in the past, been characterized by the Catholic Church’s predominance in social services. However, these cases differ in terms of the role of the state, their electoral systems, their judicial and political status, the nature of their economies and the role of the community sector in public policy. Such a comparison renders it possible to better understand in what way actors’ strategies are related to the wider context in which they find themselves. This dissertation has found that while social mobilization may, in the context of an institutionalized process, seem weak, it is more effective in enabling community organizations to exert influence in the development of anti-poverty policies. This was the case in Ireland. Indeed, while the social partnership process constrained community organizations in forming a coalition, it also enabled them to form ties with key civil servants. This gave community organizations the opportunity to tailor their demands in an effective manner. Such a margin of manoeuver did not exist for community organizations in Québec. Moreover, the need to form a coalition resulted in community organizations diverging over strategy. Their divergences stemmed from the uncertain form « la concertation » took in the development of Bill 112, the anti-poverty bill. While community organizations did form a coalition, the Collective to Eliminate Poverty, disagreements over strategy took over, thus weakening mobilization efforts.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:17:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Lucia Sanches.pdf: 5839954 bytes, checksum: 662abb93707e6f0316ee6e5f9fdfb59c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work was carried out to examine the experience of the Board of commitment, included in the Shared Action Program, as an alternative to reframe participation in Diadema, Brazil. Was formulated as a hypothesis that the implementation of the Board of commitment, rooted in popular education, represents a path of solidarity and education for the reclassification of Participation in the context of the history of participatory culture of Diadema. The object of this research is the study of the Councils commitment to running the Garden Canhema in Diadema, from 2002 to 2009, while articulating new subjects, residents of communities, which clump together for action, solidarity and conviviality in the territory. The terms of reference were adopted: civil society, state expanded, the Public Sphere, Democracy, Participation, Adult Education and Pedagogy of Democratic Management. Bibliographic search was performed and document the character of the research was qualitative, with semi-structured interviews conducted with nine subjects participating in the Councils of Commitment, and Participant Observation. The reflections of the research on the construction of the public sphere show that the Councils commitment to provide new experiences of participation, to establish associative links, imbued with a sense of belonging and solidarity, through the Adult Education and weaved in the daily relations between civil society and the State experiences democratic / A presente dissertação foi realizada com o objetivo de analisar a experiência dos Conselhos de Compromisso, inserida no Programa Ação Compartilhada, como uma alternativa de ressignificação da participação em Diadema-SP. Formulou-se como hipótese que a implementação dos Conselhos de Compromisso, ancorada na Educação Popular, representa um caminho solidário e educativo para a ressignificação da Participação no contexto da história da cultura participativa de Diadema. O objeto desta pesquisa constitui-se no estudo dos Conselhos de Compromisso em funcionamento no Jardim Canhema em Diadema, de 2002 a 2009, enquanto articuladores de novos sujeitos, moradores dos bairros, que se agregam para ações, e convivências solidárias no território. Os conceitos de referência adotados foram: sociedade civil, Estado ampliado, Esfera Pública, Democracia, Participação, Educação Popular e Pedagogia da Gestão Democrática. Foi realizada pesquisa bibliográfica e documental e o carater da pesquisa foi qualitativo, com entrevistas semiestruturadas com nove sujeitos participantes dos Conselhos de Compromisso, além de Observação Participante. As reflexões da pesquisa sobre a construção da esfera pública demonstram que os Conselhos de Compromisso constituem novas experiências participativas, ao estabelecerem vínculos associativos, imbuídos de sentimento de pertença e solidariedade, através da Educação Popular e cotidianamente tecida nas relações entre sociedade civil e Estado em vivências democráticas