Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Juliano Luis Borges.pdf: 6964695 bytes, checksum: f76513ab58ec1be8083589a06887fe78 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-14 / The democratization process in Brazil in recent decades resulted from the combination of different forms of collective mobilization and changes in the state apparatus. The end of authoritarianism and democracy openness produced new sociopolitical arrangements of popular participation and enhancement of citizenship, through of creation of inclusive mechanisms to guarantee rights to the people. This complex historical context has been the subject of various studies focused primarily on the ability of society to promote and build the necessary means for the consolidation of democracy in the country. The interpretations and theoretical engagement considered the principles of social movements and collective organizations as their practice, emerging research and theories that emphasized elements as autonomy, public sphere and democratic deliberation. The analysis were out of governmental and institutional arrangements, focusing on identity and cultural elements that confronted directly with the state apparatus, seen from the perspective of centralization and coercion resulting from the long period of militaries governments. However, the idea of autonomy of the collective mobilizations or of current public spheres, needs further contextualization due to multiple scenarios and increasing sociopolitical advancement of the state in the consolidation and maintenance of democracy in the country. The Participative Budget (PB) is a reference that is at the center of this problem. Considered by literature as a participative process of political transformation and formation of new democratic relations in society has been analyzed as a tool of empowerment and control over their roles in the state, mainly in the definition of investment priorities and implementation of public policies. Even seen as belonging to a non-state public sphere, his practice has demonstrated the opposite. The experiments denote the convergence of this popular participation space in the politicalinstitutional arrangements towards to the incorporation, organization and conduct of the proceedings by governments in localities municipality. This role has become indispensable for the PB succeeded be operationalized and reach the proposed objectives, demonstrating in small scale, that democracy is linked to the State's ability to sustain it and ensure its results. Charles Tilly demonstrated historically that modern democracy was established in interactional processes triggered between state and society. In this view, democracy is related to institutional arrangements capable to create popular influence and control over the state itself in public politics. From Tilly s conceptions, the PB can be interpreted as a process of interaction with society, concatenated and institutionally organized. On local scale the particularities evidenced the power configurations working towards greater or lesser permeability to the popular influence and control of government actions. In this direction, this study aims to examine the PB of Cuiabá and demonstrate the role of institutional arrangements for the establishment and implementation of an innovation in local government. For this was performed a qualitative approach articulated with quantitative elements with examination of various documents from primary sources and information learned through interviews and non-participant observation conducted during the implementation process. The research was conducted across three dimensions: political-administrative dynamics, regulatory framework and institutional design. Based on these parameters, the analysis was started from the institutional procedures in 2005, with the first participative experience in the locality. After a period of two years, the issue was taken up and new movements of different fronts led to the regulation of a budget process with a more technical bias that participative through Municipal Law Law of the PB forcing the government to create a process devoid of political and social ballast. The overlap with another channel of participation of the population and its origin arise in other instances, the PB became unsustainable politically and administratively within a circuit of power. The communitary associativism was not sufficient to strengthen the process by citizens, visible in declining popular participation and presentation of demands. The government control in the organization and implementation of the PB, the lack of political legitimacy and the return of results to society led to attempts to change the process, including the proposal and passage of a new law, which became central to popular participation. Overall, the PB of Cuiabá was an institutional innovation peculiar to and differentiated from other experiences developed. It demonstrates the role of government in creating participatory mechanisms centralized institutionally, which, in this case, imposed some limitations to the expansion of popular influence in public politics / O processo de democratização no Brasil nas últimas décadas decorreu da conjugação de diferentes formas de mobilização coletiva e mudanças no aparato estatal. O fim do autoritarismo e a abertura para a democracia produziram novos arranjos sociopolíticos de participação popular e incremento da cidadania, pela constituição de mecanismos inclusivos para garantia de direitos à população. Esse complexo cenário histórico vem sendo objeto de diferentes estudos centrados, fundamentalmente, na capacidade da sociedade em fomentar e construir os meios necessários para a consolidação da democracia no país. As interpretações, e certo engajamento teórico, tomaram os princípios presentes nos discursos de movimentos sociais e organizações coletivas como sua prática, surgindo investigações e teorizações que enfatizaram elementos como autonomia, esfera pública e deliberação democrática. As análises se afastaram dos arranjos institucionais governamentais e se concentraram em elementos culturais e identitários que tensionavam diretamente com o aparato estatal, visto sob a ótica da centralização e coerção decorrente do longo período de governos militares. Contudo, a ideia de autonomia, seja das mobilizações coletivas ou das atuais esferas públicas, carece de maior contextualização devido à multiplicidade de cenários sociopolíticos e o crescente avanço do Estado na consolidação e manutenção da democracia no país. O Orçamento Participativo (OP) é uma referência que se encontra no centro dessa problemática. Considerado pela literatura um processo participativo de transformação política e constituição de novas relações democráticas na sociedade, vem sendo analisado como uma ferramenta de emancipação e controle sobre o Estado em suas funções, essencialmente, na definição de prioridades de investimento e implementação de políticas públicas. Mesmo visto como pertencente a uma esfera pública não-estatal, sua prática vem demonstrando o inverso. As experiências denotam a convergência desse espaço de participação popular com os arranjos político-institucionais, no sentido da incorporação, organização e condução dos processos pelos governos nas localidades municípios. Esse papel se tornou imprescindível para que os OPs conseguissem ser operacionalizados e alcançassem os objetivos propostos, demonstrando, numa pequena escala, que a democracia está vinculada à capacidade do Estado em sustentá-la e garantir seus resultados. Charles Tilly evidenciou historicamente que a democracia moderna foi constituída no encadeamento de processos interacionais entre Estado e sociedade. Nessa visão, a democratização está relacionada a arranjos institucionais capazes de suscitar a influência popular e controle sobre o próprio Estado no processo político public politics. A partir das concepções tillianas, o OP pode ser interpretado como um processo de interação com a sociedade, concatenado e organizado institucionalmente. Na escala local as particularidades evidenciam as configurações de poder atuando no sentido de maior ou menor permeabilidade à influência popular e controle das ações governamentais. Nessa direção, este estudo tem por objetivo analisar o OP de Cuiabá e demonstrar o papel dos arranjos institucionais para a constituição e implementação de uma inovação no governo local. Para isso foi realizada a opção por uma abordagem qualitativa articulada a elementos quantitativos , em que foram analisados diferentes documentos de fontes primárias, apreendidas informações através de entrevistas e realizada observação não participante durante a realização do processo. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida através de três dimensões: dinâmica político-administrativa, enquadramento normativo e desenho institucional. Com base nesses parâmetros, a análise foi iniciada a partir dos procedimentos institucionais em 2005, com a primeira experiência participativa na localidade. Após um período de dois anos a questão foi retomada e novas movimentações de diferentes frentes conduziram à normatização de um processo orçamentário com um viés mais técnico que participativo através de Lei Municipal Lei do OP , obrigando o governo a criar um processo desprovido de lastro político e social. A sobreposição com outro canal de participação da população e sua origem ter advindo de outras instâncias, tornou o OP insustentável política e administrativamente dentro de um circuito do poder. O associativismo comunitário não foi suficiente para fortalecer o processo pelos cidadãos, visível na decrescente participação popular e apresentação de demandas. O controle governamental na organização e implementação do OP, a falta de legitimidade política e retorno dos resultados à sociedade conduziram a tentativas de mudança no processo, inclusive com a proposição e aprovação de uma nova Lei, a qual tornou central a participação popular. Em termos gerais, o OP de Cuiabá foi uma inovação institucional peculiar com origem e desdobramentos diferenciados de outras experiências. Ele demonstra o papel do governo na criação de mecanismos de participação institucionalmente centralizados, o que, no caso, impôs algumas limitações para ampliação da influência popular no processo político public politics

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Juliano Luis Borges.pdf: 6964695 bytes, checksum: f76513ab58ec1be8083589a06887fe78 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-14 / The democratization process in Brazil in recent decades resulted from the combination of different forms of collective mobilization and changes in the state apparatus. The end of authoritarianism and democracy openness produced new sociopolitical arrangements of popular participation and enhancement of citizenship, through of creation of inclusive mechanisms to guarantee rights to the people. This complex historical context has been the subject of various studies focused primarily on the ability of society to promote and build the necessary means for the consolidation of democracy in the country. The interpretations and theoretical engagement considered the principles of social movements and collective organizations as their practice, emerging research and theories that emphasized elements as autonomy, public sphere and democratic deliberation. The analysis were out of governmental and institutional arrangements, focusing on identity and cultural elements that confronted directly with the state apparatus, seen from the perspective of centralization and coercion resulting from the long period of militaries governments. However, the idea of autonomy of the collective mobilizations or of current public spheres, needs further contextualization due to multiple scenarios and increasing sociopolitical advancement of the state in the consolidation and maintenance of democracy in the country. The Participative Budget (PB) is a reference that is at the center of this problem. Considered by literature as a participative process of political transformation and formation of new democratic relations in society has been analyzed as a tool of empowerment and control over their roles in the state, mainly in the definition of investment priorities and implementation of public policies. Even seen as belonging to a non-state public sphere, his practice has demonstrated the opposite. The experiments denote the convergence of this popular participation space in the politicalinstitutional arrangements towards to the incorporation, organization and conduct of the proceedings by governments in localities municipality. This role has become indispensable for the PB succeeded be operationalized and reach the proposed objectives, demonstrating in small scale, that democracy is linked to the State's ability to sustain it and ensure its results. Charles Tilly demonstrated historically that modern democracy was established in interactional processes triggered between state and society. In this view, democracy is related to institutional arrangements capable to create popular influence and control over the state itself in public politics. From Tilly s conceptions, the PB can be interpreted as a process of interaction with society, concatenated and institutionally organized. On local scale the particularities evidenced the power configurations working towards greater or lesser permeability to the popular influence and control of government actions. In this direction, this study aims to examine the PB of Cuiabá and demonstrate the role of institutional arrangements for the establishment and implementation of an innovation in local government. For this was performed a qualitative approach articulated with quantitative elements with examination of various documents from primary sources and information learned through interviews and non-participant observation conducted during the implementation process. The research was conducted across three dimensions: political-administrative dynamics, regulatory framework and institutional design. Based on these parameters, the analysis was started from the institutional procedures in 2005, with the first participative experience in the locality. After a period of two years, the issue was taken up and new movements of different fronts led to the regulation of a budget process with a more technical bias that participative through Municipal Law Law of the PB forcing the government to create a process devoid of political and social ballast. The overlap with another channel of participation of the population and its origin arise in other instances, the PB became unsustainable politically and administratively within a circuit of power. The communitary associativism was not sufficient to strengthen the process by citizens, visible in declining popular participation and presentation of demands. The government control in the organization and implementation of the PB, the lack of political legitimacy and the return of results to society led to attempts to change the process, including the proposal and passage of a new law, which became central to popular participation. Overall, the PB of Cuiabá was an institutional innovation peculiar to and differentiated from other experiences developed. It demonstrates the role of government in creating participatory mechanisms centralized institutionally, which, in this case, imposed some limitations to the expansion of popular influence in public politics / O processo de democratização no Brasil nas últimas décadas decorreu da conjugação de diferentes formas de mobilização coletiva e mudanças no aparato estatal. O fim do autoritarismo e a abertura para a democracia produziram novos arranjos sociopolíticos de participação popular e incremento da cidadania, pela constituição de mecanismos inclusivos para garantia de direitos à população. Esse complexo cenário histórico vem sendo objeto de diferentes estudos centrados, fundamentalmente, na capacidade da sociedade em fomentar e construir os meios necessários para a consolidação da democracia no país. As interpretações, e certo engajamento teórico, tomaram os princípios presentes nos discursos de movimentos sociais e organizações coletivas como sua prática, surgindo investigações e teorizações que enfatizaram elementos como autonomia, esfera pública e deliberação democrática. As análises se afastaram dos arranjos institucionais governamentais e se concentraram em elementos culturais e identitários que tensionavam diretamente com o aparato estatal, visto sob a ótica da centralização e coerção decorrente do longo período de governos militares. Contudo, a ideia de autonomia, seja das mobilizações coletivas ou das atuais esferas públicas, carece de maior contextualização devido à multiplicidade de cenários sociopolíticos e o crescente avanço do Estado na consolidação e manutenção da democracia no país. O Orçamento Participativo (OP) é uma referência que se encontra no centro dessa problemática. Considerado pela literatura um processo participativo de transformação política e constituição de novas relações democráticas na sociedade, vem sendo analisado como uma ferramenta de emancipação e controle sobre o Estado em suas funções, essencialmente, na definição de prioridades de investimento e implementação de políticas públicas. Mesmo visto como pertencente a uma esfera pública não-estatal, sua prática vem demonstrando o inverso. As experiências denotam a convergência desse espaço de participação popular com os arranjos político-institucionais, no sentido da incorporação, organização e condução dos processos pelos governos nas localidades municípios. Esse papel se tornou imprescindível para que os OPs conseguissem ser operacionalizados e alcançassem os objetivos propostos, demonstrando, numa pequena escala, que a democracia está vinculada à capacidade do Estado em sustentá-la e garantir seus resultados. Charles Tilly evidenciou historicamente que a democracia moderna foi constituída no encadeamento de processos interacionais entre Estado e sociedade. Nessa visão, a democratização está relacionada a arranjos institucionais capazes de suscitar a influência popular e controle sobre o próprio Estado no processo político public politics. A partir das concepções tillianas, o OP pode ser interpretado como um processo de interação com a sociedade, concatenado e organizado institucionalmente. Na escala local as particularidades evidenciam as configurações de poder atuando no sentido de maior ou menor permeabilidade à influência popular e controle das ações governamentais. Nessa direção, este estudo tem por objetivo analisar o OP de Cuiabá e demonstrar o papel dos arranjos institucionais para a constituição e implementação de uma inovação no governo local. Para isso foi realizada a opção por uma abordagem qualitativa articulada a elementos quantitativos , em que foram analisados diferentes documentos de fontes primárias, apreendidas informações através de entrevistas e realizada observação não participante durante a realização do processo. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida através de três dimensões: dinâmica político-administrativa, enquadramento normativo e desenho institucional. Com base nesses parâmetros, a análise foi iniciada a partir dos procedimentos institucionais em 2005, com a primeira experiência participativa na localidade. Após um período de dois anos a questão foi retomada e novas movimentações de diferentes frentes conduziram à normatização de um processo orçamentário com um viés mais técnico que participativo através de Lei Municipal Lei do OP , obrigando o governo a criar um processo desprovido de lastro político e social. A sobreposição com outro canal de participação da população e sua origem ter advindo de outras instâncias, tornou o OP insustentável política e administrativamente dentro de um circuito do poder. O associativismo comunitário não foi suficiente para fortalecer o processo pelos cidadãos, visível na decrescente participação popular e apresentação de demandas. O controle governamental na organização e implementação do OP, a falta de legitimidade política e retorno dos resultados à sociedade conduziram a tentativas de mudança no processo, inclusive com a proposição e aprovação de uma nova Lei, a qual tornou central a participação popular. Em termos gerais, o OP de Cuiabá foi uma inovação institucional peculiar com origem e desdobramentos diferenciados de outras experiências. Ele demonstra o papel do governo na criação de mecanismos de participação institucionalmente centralizados, o que, no caso, impôs algumas limitações para ampliação da influência popular no processo político public politics

This thesis investigates the relationship between conflict, economic growth, state capacity and natural resources in Sub-Saharan Africa. It contributes to the limited research in this area and empirically examines these relationships using different econometric models. The first empirical chapter uses a panel dataset that covers the period 1997 - 2013 to analyse the effects of economic growth on conflict in Nigeria using the negative binomial model. The findings support the direct relationship between economic growth and conflict in Nigeria. Controlling for other factors, the results indicate that increase in growth rate - measured by annual growth rate of GDP per capita - decreases the expected number of conflicts. The study finds no evidence of a relationship between levels of wealth in a state and the incidence of conflicts. The analysis controls for factors such as spill-over effects from other states and year and state effects. Finally, to address potential concerns that economic growth could be a cause of conflict or that other unobserved factors could confound the relationship between economic growth and conflict, the chapter employs instrumental variable (IV) estimation using percentage change in rainfall as an instrument. The results with the IV estimation are similar to the results without IV in terms of both sign and significance, indicating that the negative effect of economic growth on conflicts is not due to reverse causality or omitted variables. For robustness checks, a Panel Autoregressive model (PVAR) is also employed. The second empirical chapter analyses the effect of conflict on state capacity in Sub-Saharan Africa. State capacity is measured in terms of fiscal and legal capacity. It also looks at the effects of internal and external conflicts on state capacity. The chapter adopts the Ordinary least squared (OLS) and the system generalised methods of moments (GMM) estimation methods to analyse the panel data consisting of 49 Sub-Saharan countries over the period 2000 - 2015. The results suggest that conflicts have a negative and significant effect on state capacity. However, when military expenditure is used as a proxy for state capacity it is found that conflict strengthens state capacity. The results are consistent with theoretical argument that internal conflicts polarise societies and make it more difficult for governments to reach a consensus in investing in state capacity, while external conflicts mobilise domestic population against a common enemy thereby helping in state capacity building. Finally, the third empirical chapter examines the effect of natural resources on conflict onset and duration using discrete choice models with a dataset covering the period 1980 -2016. The results on the duration analysis show that natural resources prolong duration of conflicts. However, it is found that not all natural resources prolong duration of conflicts. Oil production does not seem to affect duration, whereas oil reserves and gas production lengthens the duration. The findings from the onset analysis show that both production and reserves of natural resources increase the risk of conflict onset.

As Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação (TICs) vêm sendo utilizadas massivamente em processos participativos realizados por governos de diferentes partes do mundo e também no Brasil. No entanto, tais iniciativas carecem de estudos com viés da administração e gestão pública. A pesquisa analisa este fenômeno sob a ótica de capacidades de governo de maneira articulada ao projeto político e à governabilidade do sistema. A pesquisa identifica quais as capacidades políticas, institucionais, técnicas e administrativas relacionadas à utilização de TICs em processos de participação social. A partir de um referencial teórico-conceitual multidisciplinar, a pesquisa lança mão da metodologia de estudo de caso da consulta pública online do Marco Civil da Internet para a identificação de capacidades. Desenvolve, para essa análise, o conceito próprio de Capacidades de Governo relacionadas ao uso de TICs em Processos de Participação Social (CGTPS) e aponta as principais condicionantes do desenvolvimento, gestão e implementação desse tipo de iniciativa no governo brasileiro. A pesquisa propugna pela aplicabilidade da ótica de capacidades de governo para a análise da utilização de TICs em ferramentas de participação social, bem como pelo necessário fortalecimento de capacidades específicas para a consolidação e melhoria desse tipo de iniciativa. Por fim, aponta desafios e possibilidades a respeito da criação de tecnologia e inovação no setor público em ações de participação social / Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) have been used massively in participatory processes undertaken by governments in different parts of the world and also in Brazil. However, these initiatives lack studies which take into account an administration and public management slant. The research analyzes this phenomenon from the perspective of state capacity in an articulated way with the government project and the system governability. The research identifies which political, institutional, technical and administrative capacities are related to the use of ICT in participatory processes. Having the construction of a multidisciplinary theoretical and conceptual framework as a starting point, the research then applies the case study methodology to the online public consultation of Brazilian Internet Civil Rights Law aiming at the identification of state capacities. It also develops the concept of State Capacities related to the use of ICT in Participatory Processes (SCIPP) and outlines the main constraints to the development, management and implementation of this type of initiative in the Brazilian government. The research concludes that it is possible to apply a state capacity perspective to the analysis of the use of ICT in participatory tools. It also points toward the necessity of strengthening specific capacities for the consolidation and improvement of this type of initiative. Finally, it points out challenges and opportunities to the creation of technology and innovation in the public sector regarding participatory actions

Abstract After devastating destruction of two World Wars, how to re-develop economy was the most important issue in the world between 1950¡¦s and 1970¡¦s. As a result, theories of national development arose in the same time. ¡§The state-centric approach¡¨ arose in 1980¡¦s to explore the relationship between market function and the state after viewing the outstanding economic performance of East Asian countries. Researchers of ¡§the state-centric approach¡¨ claimed that the state autonomy and capacity are key elements to country¡¦s development. After World War II, Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea were common in: 1. Authoritarian states with high autonomy and capacity; 2. Received American aid to undertake political, economic reform and import substitute policy; 3. Land reform resulted in fair distribution. The economic development of Taiwan in the past fifty years was rapid, constant, steady, and fair distribution, which is one of the successful models of East Asian. The state was the key factor of Taiwan¡¦s economic success. The establishment of Export Processing Zone was a proof of how the state induced development. The growth of Export Processing Zone equals to the development in Taiwan. This research is focused on the Export Processing Zone, discussing how the autonomy and capacity of state affected the development in Taiwan as well as in Export Processing Zone. The author also tried to find out what and how the state should do n the next step to create another new phase of development for Taiwan.

The objective of this thesis is to explain the dynamics bringing about the removal of the Georgian President Eduard Shevardnadze from power through the &lsquo / Rose Revolution&rsquo / . Relying on an historical sociological approach, contrary to the society-centered and the state-centered studies in the literature on the &lsquo / Rose Revolution&rsquo / , this thesis argues that the coercive, administrative, extractive, distributive and regulative incapacitation of the Georgian state, which resulted in the loss of state autonomy vis-&agrave / -vis domestic and external political actors before the &lsquo / Rose Revolution&rsquo / , led to the removal of Shevardnadze. In fact, the society-centered studies, which exclusively focus exclusively on the political opposition, the NGOs and the mass media, fail to explain the dynamics of the &lsquo / Rose Revolution&rsquo / since they neglect the role of the state. Likewise, the state-centered studies&rsquo / exclusive focus on the coercive aspect of the Georgian state capacity resulted in the insufficient explanation of the &lsquo / Rose Revolution&rsquo / since they neglect other aspects of state capacity such as administrative, extractive, distributive and regulative. The thesis consists of six main chapters, introduction and conclusion. Chapter 2 develops the theoretical framework of the study. Chapter 3 explores the historical background. Chapter 4 examines the process leading up to the &lsquo / Rose Revolution&rsquo / . Chapter 5 and 6 analyze the &lsquo / Rose Revolution&rsquo / and its aftermath. Before the concluding chapter, Chapter 7 compares the Georgian case with the other seven post-Soviet cases.

Doctor of Philosophy / Security Studies Interdepartmental Program - Political Science / Emizet N. Kisangani / The goal of this dissertation is two-fold. First, is to investigate the relationship between the consequences of state failure and terrorist sanctuaries, which is the prevailing explanation in extant literature. Post 9/11 United States counterterrorism policy has focused on the role of the state in providing safe haven or sanctuary to transnational terrorist organizations. However, anecdotal evidence suggests that both weak and strong states host terrorist sanctuaries. Thus, no clear explanation for why transnational terrorist sanctuaries are in some weak and strong states but not present in others currently exists. Second, this dissertation seeks to fill this gap by adopting Migdal’s (1988) state-society interaction approach to explain the presence of terrorist sanctuaries. This dissertation hypothesizes that the role of society’s structure and societal strongmen’s interactions with the state are an important determinant in whether or not transnational terrorist organizations will seek to establish safe haven within a given territory. Sageman’s (2008) hub and node approach on the operational capacities of transnational terrorist sanctuary networks helps to explain differences in types of sanctuaries. Using a newly constructed dataset on terrorist sanctuaries for quantitative analysis and qualitative analysis through case studies, this dissertation intends to show that the presence of terrorist sanctuaries in both weak and strong states can be understood through four state-society interaction typologies. The implications of this study are relevant for policymakers seeking to understand and counter the enduring threat of transnational terrorism across the globe.

Esta dissertação buscou contribuir para o debate sobre as políticas urbanas em São Paulo, a partir da lente analítica das capacidades estatais. Os estudos urbanos brasileiros, influenciados pelo marxismo urbano, contribuíram para o entendimento sobre o papel das forças capitalistas sobre a produção das cidades brasileiras. Entretanto, poucos estudos se dedicaram a entender os interesses do Estado na construção do espaço urbano. A ótica das capacidades estatais permite adentrar o aparelho estatal e entender como as políticas, atores e recursos mobilizados pelo Estado refletem seus próprios interesses. As capacidades estatais são reforçadas pela abordagem institucional, sobretudo do Neoinstitucionalismo Histórico, mas também pela perspectiva situacional de Carlos Matus. A metodologia adotada consiste em uma pesquisa qualitativa, baseada no estudo de caso da Secretaria Municipal de Licenciamento (SEL) de São Paulo, com recorte temporal de 2013 e 2016. A escolha por estudar as capacidades mobilizadas pela Prefeitura Municipal de São Paulo, no âmbito da SEL, se deve pela forte relação construída entre atores estatais e não estatais em torno do licenciamento urbano de São Paulo. A pesquisa de campo consistiu em análise documental e em entrevistas qualitativas com atores envolvidos no processo de criação e operacionalização da SEL. A análise dos resultados foi baseada na análise temática dos dados coletados. A perspectiva situacional de Carlos Matus permitiu a análise do caso dentro de um contexto político específico. Por fim, conclui-se que a mobilização de capacidades estatais no âmbito da SEL, refletem a tentativa do governo municipal de São Paulo de ter um maior controle sobre o licenciamento urbano mesmo que essa tentativa não signifique uma mudança no status quo da produção capitalista da cidade / This dissertation sought to contribute to the debate on urban policies in the city of São Paulo, based on the analytical lens of state capacity. Brazilian urban studies, influenced by urban Marxism, contributed to the understanding of the role of capitalist forces in the production of Brazilian cities. However, few studies have focused on understanding the interests of State in the construction of urban space. The perspective of state capacity allows us to enter the state apparatus and understand how the public policies, actors and resources mobilized by the State reflect its own interests. State capacities are reinforced by the institutional approach, especially from the historical Neoinstitutionalism. But also from the situational approach developed by Carlos Matus. The method adopted is a qualitative research, based on the case study of the Municipal Licensing Department of the city of São Paulo (Brazil), between 2013 and 2016. The choice to study the capacities mobilized by the São Paulo City Hall surroundings the Municipal Licensing Department is based on the strong relationship built between state and non-state actors in the urban licensing of São Paulo. The field research consisted of documental includes documental analysis and qualitative interviews with actors involved in the process of creation and operationalization of Municipal Licensing Department. The analysis of the results was based on the thematic analysis of the collected data. The situational approach of Carlos Matus allowed the case analysis within a specific political context. Finally, the conclusion is the mobilization of state capacities reflects the attempt of the municipal government of São Paulo to have a greater control over urban licensing process even if this attempt does not mean a change in the status quo of capitalist production of the city

Manufacturing Revolutions - Industrial Policy and Networks in South Korea. This chapter uses a historic big push intervention and newly digitized data from South Korea to study the effects of industrial policy on industrial development. In 1973 South Korea transitioned to a military dictatorship and drastically changed their development strategy. I find industries targeted by the regime's big push grew significantly more than non-targeted industries along several key dimensions of industrial development. These developmental effects persisted after industrial policies were retrenched, following the 1979 assassination of the president. Furthermore, I estimate the spillovers of the industrial policies using exogenous variation in the exposure to the policy across the input-output network. I find evidence of persistent pecuniary externalities like those posited by big push development theorists, such as Albert Hirschman. In other words, I find that South Korea's controversial industrial policy was successful in producing industrial development, the benefits of which persisted through time and in industries not directly targeted by the policies. Waiting for the Great Leap Forward - The Green Revolution and Structural Change in the Philippines. This study explores the short- and long-run impacts of the green revolution on structural transformation. The setting is the revolution’s home country: the Philippines. In 1966, the Philippine’s experienced the widespread introduction of so-called “miracle rice” varieties, invented at the International Rice Research Institute in Los Banos, Laguna. The island republic experienced large gains to agricultural productivity as a result. Using a newly constructed panel of Philippine municipalities, I show that growth in agricultural productivity led to unexpected patterns of structural transformation. In the short-run, the green revolution translated into labor-absorbing technological change, reallocating labor into HYV-intensive rice economies. However, in the long-run, the rising relative cost of labor, meant that rice farms mechanized and displaced the Philippine peasantry into the service sector. The Historical State, Local Collective Action, and Economic Development in Vietnam. This study examines how the historical state conditions long-run development, using Vietnam as a laboratory. Northern Vietnam (Dai Viet) was ruled by a strong centralized state in which the village was the fundamental administrative unit. Southern Vietnam was a peripheral tributary of the Khmer (Cambodian) Empire, which followed a patron-client model with weaker, more personalized power relations and no village intermediation. Using a regression discontinuity design across the Dai Viet-Khmer boundary, the study shows that areas historically under a strong state have higher living standards today and better economic outcomes over the past 150 years. Rich historical data document that in villages with a strong historical state, citizens have been better able to organize for public goods and redistribution through civil society and local government. This suggests that the strong historical state crowded in village-level collective action and that these norms persisted long after the original state disappeared.

Many studies find support that natural disaster events and post-conflict episodes increase the risk of organized violence. However, few are found to investigate if post-conflict countries become more violent in the aftermath of natural disasters. By combining research on post-conflict violence, natural disasters, and non-state violence, it is argued in this study that disasters such as earthquakes, floods, and pandemics strain the capacities of all governments, and in post-conflict countries, the weakened capacities of governments can cause public security gaps. These power vacuums, as a result of natural disasters, can incentivize non-state groups to expand and compete for control, and consequently causes the severity of violence to increase. This argument is estimated on country-year data consisting of 64 post-conflict countries between 1989‒2015. A statistically significant correlation between natural disasters and the increased severity of non-state violence is found when testing the argument using Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and logistic regression, control variables, and different dependent variables. However, due to limiting factors in the statistical models, the results are deemed too ambivalent to fully support the hypothesis.