Yes / This report on Southern Sudan is one of 13 case studies (all of which can be found at www.bradford.ac.uk/cics). This research draws upon secondary data sources, including existing research studies, reports and evaluations commissioned by operational agencies, and early warning and survey data where this has been available. These secondary sources have been complemented by interviews with government officers, aid policymakers and practitioners, researchers and members of the local population. The analysis and opinions expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views or policy of DFID or the UK government.

No description available.

Esse trabalho propõe-se a uma investigação histórica do longo processo que originou o Estado do Sudão do Sul, tornado independente em 2011 após plebiscito. Para tanto, buscamos traçar uma longa história do Sudão, do bilad al-sudan oriental aos dias atuais. Nos apoiamos, principalmente, em algumas obras da extensa historiografia do Sudão para desenhar esse quadro contextual de nosso objeto de estudo. Apresentado o palco, buscamos interpretar os eventos, as relações políticas e sociais e mudanças econômicas e culturais a afetar o Sudão, depois Sudão do Sul em sua intricada relação com seus vizinhos regionais e as potências globais. Terminamos nosso trabalho apresentando algumas notas e reflexões acerca de temas mais precisos, como “construção nacional”, “uso político da identidade étnica”, e o “papel das elites” no Sudão do Sul, dentre outras. / This work is the result of a historical investigation of the long process that originated the State of South Sudan, independent in 2011 after a national referendum. We sought to draw a long history of Sudan, from the eastern bilad al-sudan to modern days. We based our work mostly on some of the broad historiography on Sudan, from which to develop a contextual idea of our object of study. Having set the stage, we sought to interpret the events, political and social relations and economic and cultural changes that have affected Sudan and later South Sudan in their intrincate relation with regional neighbors and global powerhouses. Our work concludes presenting some observations ad reflections concerning specific issues, such “nation-building”, “political use of ethnic identity” and the “role of elites” in South Sudan, among others.

The study focuses on the north and south Sudan conflict and seeks to investigate the continuing threats to a return to war between the two parties since the 2005 Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and after the independence of South Sudan. The study critically analyses the CPA and investigates the dilemmas faced by the two Sudans and examines the conflict resolution/transformation process. This thesis relies on data generated from key informant interviews and archival data as primary sources; complemented by secondary sources of data obtained from books, journals, research documents and relevant literature on the area. The study analyses the background of the north-south Sudan conflict, analysis of the CPA, implications of the negotiation, mediation and the implementation processes of the CPA and the referendum, post-referendum, the post-independence issues and the conflict resolution efforts. These are discussed in order to find the reasons as to why the CPA emerged as it did and its effectiveness. The study uses the concept of the conflict resolution/transformation approaches and their methods (mediation, negotiation and peacebuilding), the Galtung ABC theory and the Liberal peace theory as tools to guide the study in order to measure the data collected from the field. The results of the analysis suggest that history, the mediation and the negotiation process viewed to have been narrow and non-inclusive, the content of the CPA itself, the problems of the previous processes before the referendum, the referendum of Southern Sudan and the Abyei referendum failure provided the basis of the origins of the post-referendum and the post-independence issues. These issues are responsible for the dilemmas faced by the two states and eventually the tensions and the threats to a return to war which exist up to the present. All these issues lie at the heart of the difficulties of the conflict resolution process and the relationship problem of North and South Sudan. However, the 2005 CPA had partial success in that it achieved partial negative peace which in turn led to the separation of north and south Sudan.

Corantes e pigmentos são utilizados no mundo todo para alterar a percepção visual de diversos bens de consumo. Dentre esses compostos se destacam os corantes que possuem grupamentos azo ou nitro como cromóforo. Muitas dessas substâncias são potencialmente tóxicas, seja na sua forma original seja após a biotransformação, com ênfase aos efeitos mutagênicos e/ou carcinogênicos. Este trabalho teve como objetivo investigar as rotas metabólicas e avaliar o perfil toxicológico parcial dos corantes Disperso Amarelo 9 e Sudan III. O Sudan III é um corante azóico e que embora tenha estrutura química muito semelhante ao Sudan I, um carcinógeno humano, existem poucos dados na literatura a respeito de sua toxicidade. Vale ressaltar que o Sudan III é um corante de alimentos banido da maioria dos países, porém tem sido repetidamente detectado em alimentos industrializados como adulterante. Já o corante Disperse Yellow 9 é amplamente utilizado principalmente pelas indústrias têxteis, porém não foram encontrados dados na literatura sobre seu potencial tóxico. Foram realizados estudos espectroeletroquimicos capazes de simular reações de oxidação e redução que ocorrem em organismos vivos, além de sistema exógeno de metabolização (S9). A mutagenicidade dos corantes foi avaliada pelo ensaio de Samonella (utilizando as linhagens TA98, TA1535, TA100 e YG1042, com e sem S9) e por meio da avaliação da capacidade de ligação com o DNA e a guanosina in vitro. Ainda, verificou-se a indução de morte celular em condrócitos bovinos. Nossos resultados mostraram que as condições de oxidação (eletroquímica ou após a reação com S9) e redução foram capazes de modificar o grupamento cromóforo tanto do corante Sudan III quanto do Disperso amarelo 9, e esse efeito é esperado em organismos vivos, podendo formar derivados tóxicos. O corante Sudan III é capaz de se ligar ao DNA de forma estável, mais especificamente com a base nitrogenada guanosina, enquanto o Disperso Amarelo 9 se liga fracamente ao DNA e não com a guanosina. O corante Sudam III exibiu fraca mutagenicidade e apenas com a linhagem TA1535. Por outro lado, Disperso Amarelo 9 foi positivo para as linhagens TA1535 e YG1042, e o efeito foi mais pronunciado após a ativação metabólica. Ambos os corantes induziram à morte dos condrócitos de forma tempo e concentração dependente. Assim, ambos os corantes foram considerados tóxicos, tanto na sua forma original quanto após biotransformação e podem levar a riscos à saúde humana e ao ecossistema quando de sua exposição. / Dyes and pigments are applied worldwide to change the visual perception of many products. Among these compounds, dyes containing azo and nitro bond as chromophore are very important groups. A wide range of these substances are potentially toxic either in its original form or after biotransformation leading to mutagenic / or carcinogenic effects. The aim of the present study was to investigate the metabolic pathways involving the chromophore group and also to evaluate the toxicological profile of Disperse Yellow 9 and Sudan III dyes. Sudan III is an azo dye that has a very similar chemical structure to Sudan I a known carcinogen. Despite, there are few data about Sudan III toxicity in the literature. It is important to point out that Sudan III is banned from most worldwide food industry it has been frequently detected as an adulterant in a large amount of processed food. The literature has no information about the toxicity potential of Disperse Yellow although it is widely and mainly used by textile industries. On the present we performed a spectroeletrochemical method capable of simulating bio- reactions able to occur on living organisms such as oxidation and reduction, also exogen metabolization system (S9) were applied. The mutagenicity of the dyes was evaluated by Salmonella assay (using strains TA98, TA1535, TA100 and YG1042, with and without S9). The ability of causing stable bonds to DNA and guanosine were also tested in vitro. Also the capacity of inducing cell death on bovine chondrocytes was investigated. Our results indicated that the oxidation reactions (spectroeletrochemical method or after S9 reaction) and also the reduction reactions were able to modify the chromophore group for the studied dyes Sudan III and Disperse Yellow 9, this effect could be expected in living organisms and may also generate toxic products. Sudan III is capable of binding to DNA and forming stable aducts, specifically to the nitrogenated base guanosine, while Disperse Yellow 9 binds weakly to DNA and does not react with guanosine. Low mutagenicity was observed for strain TA1535 for Sudan III dye. Besides, strains TA1535 and YG1042 gave positive responses for Disperse Yellow, the effect was pronounced after metabolic activation. Death of chondrocytes was observed for both dyes demonstrating time and concentration dependency. Toxicity was observed for both dyes, before and after biotransformation, this effect may lead to risks on human health and also for the environment.

In der vorliegenden Arbeit analysiert Yann Wernert die Rolle der Afrikanischen Union im Rahmen von Regionalkonflikten in Afrika. Dabei wird insbesondere Wert auf die konkrete Vorgehensweise der Afrikanischen Union in den jeweiligen Konflikten gelegt. Untersucht wird der Bürgerkrieg in Somalia sowie die Versuche seitens der internationalen Gemeinschaft, eine stabile politische Ordnung wieder aufzubauen. Ebenfalls analysiert wird der Darfur-Konflikt im Sudan und die Möglichkeiten, den regelmäßig stattfindenden Massakern Einhalt zu gebieten. Der Untersuchungszeitraum erstreckt sich von 2003 bis 2007. / The following work analyses the role of the African Union in regional conflicts in Africa. A focus has been laid on the concrete handling of each conflict by the African Union. Objects of analysis are the civil war in Somalia and the subsequent efforts to restore a stable political order in the country, as well as the Darfur conflict in Sudan. The years 2003 to 2007 have been examined.

Based in New York, the International Rescue Committee (IRC) has been working in the Sudan since the 1980s. During this time, this Non Governmental Organisation (NGO) has shown itself to be a leader in its field. Funded by numerous agencies and aiding hundreds of thousands of beneficiaries, IRCs role in Sudan is constantly growing. Poised between the people whom it serves and the Government of Sudan, in whose territory it operates, the NGO roles as advocates and social service providers places them in a challenging position.<p> Since the first international NGOs entered Sudan during the great famine and war in the 1980s, the government has become increasingly suspicious of their actions. More recently, however, NGOs have become more commonplace in Sudan, funding and managing many of the social programmes in the country, including education, health care, water and sanitation and even infrastructure projects. This presence in the country has lent international political clout to NGOs, but has created resentment by the Sudanese government.<p> This situation is not unique. Around the globe many countries are being pressured by NGOs to alter policy direction. The concept of good governance has become prevalent in Western funding departments and donor organisations, calling for its use to encourage governments to become more democratic. In order to access funding, NGOs must therefore shift their focus to a greater emphasis on good governance as well. This is indeed the case of the IRC whose broad mission includes strengthening civil society and enabling good governance in Sudan.<p> The strong presence of NGOs combined with the sheer number of people they serve, the types of services that they provide, and their influence both nationally and internationally has lent credibility to the belief that these organisations are important entities in Sudan. However, the ability to carry out their mandates in times of emergencies and crisis is challenging as they must work within the constructs of the communities in which they serve and with the government of Sudan, which controls several of their activities.

This thesis analyses the policy of curative health service delivery in North Darfur State, Sudan. Several authors have analyzed health service delivery issues, mainly focusing on controlling the spread of common diseases. No work has been done that focuses on the health policy aspect and its contribution to improving curative health service delivery, especially in areas affected by conflict since 2003. This study contributes to the body of knowledge on the nature and the evolution of health service delivery systems management, as well as policy implementation, thereby widening the discussion about the further projections of this field of study. The main purpose of this thesis is to investigate how to enhance the effectiveness and efficiency of curative health service delivery systems management, as well as policy implementation, in fostering socio-economic development in North Darfur State. The study focuses on how the national health system and national health policy of Sudan have been managed and implemented in North Darfur State. This thesis identifies the different health sectors, public, private and international NGOs, that provide curative health services in North Darfur State, and the difficulties that have been facing the population in accessing these health facilities. Investigations showed that curative health services are not adequate in the public sector, and that they are very expensive in the private sector. The exception is the NGO sector but it is not guaranteed to be sustainable in providing curative health services to poor and conflict-affected people. This thesis also identifies the mechanisms of health system management and policy implementation, by means of co-ordination and collaboration between the various government sectors, federal, state and district, in a decentralized system working in concert with international NGOs. The results show that there is poor co-ordination between the three levels of government, especially at district level, as well as poor collaboration between government and international NGOs, caused by government‟s lack of human and financial capacity. The potential for improvement in curative health service delivery are explored, particularly at district level. This is essential so that quality curative health services can be delivered to the population, thereby contributing to socio-economic development in North Darfur State. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.

This study explores how traditional conflict resolution mechanisms were used to transform the conflict between the Dinka and Nuer communities in Wunlit, south Sudan in 1999. Various people perceived, experienced and played different roles in the process. Through story telling and the sacrifice of a white bull, the two communities entered a covenant which still holds four years later. The merger of previously antagonistic liberation movements with strong Dinka and Nuer constituencies, respectively, two years after Wunlit is seen by some as a dividend of Wunlit. People-centred peacemaking processes can be credited for contributing to enduring peace. / Thesis (M.Com.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.

Lasting peace in Sudan would reverberate throughout Africa, the Arab world, and globally. But signing a historic peace agreement will not guarantee successful post-conflict reconstruction in Sudan. Several critical openings must follow-with expanded roles for the Sudanese people and their international partners. Sudanese fighters from both sides will need to integrate into joint military units that defend Sudan's borders and gain capacity to deal with rogue elements. Sudanese politicians must expand the opportunities for fresh and excluded voices to participate in Sudan's governing structures (north and south, national, regional, and local) and its political processes. Benchmarks against which international assistance is measured could help guarantee this need, as would an inclusive constitutional drafting process. Sustained economic assistance and forward-learning decisions on reducing Sudan's debt burden will help move Sudan on the path to economic growth. At the same time, international pressure must be brought to bear on the Sudanese to ensure that revenue streams, particularly oil and are handled transparently and for the benefit of Sudan's people, not its leaders. Uncertainty, hatred and mistrust run deep within Sudan. Donors must focus on building connections among the Sudanese and bringing communities together around common goals. The past focus on north-south issues should give way to more inclusive programs that begin to address the political and economical marginalization that is fuelling discontent and conflict in Sudan's peripheral regions. Lasting peace will require not just changing attitudes within Sudan, but shifting outside practices to better confront the enormous challenges that will complicate reconstruction efforts. Sudan's coming peace presents an opportunity to move beyond almost forty years of intrastate war. The United State, the United Nations, African Union, and other friends of Sudan should now consolidate and capitalize on this opportunity. / Thesis (M.A. (Peace Studies and International Relations) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2005