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This report investigates the rural inter-communal conflict as a threat to community livelihood in Jonglei State, one of the ten states in South Sudan. Jonglei State has a long history of unrest, which has also affected other parts of the country. Cattle raiding and conflict have manifested in Jonglei State and the surrounding communities for many years. Many people have lost their lives, and livestock losses have been abundant. It is vital that local government understands and contextualises these challenges so that appropriate interventions may be developed. This study proposes to provide a brief historical background on the evolution of inter-communal conflict in Jonglei. There have been recent changes in the security situation and increased access to weapons. Advanced weaponry has also led to a rise in insecurity and increases in the number and scale of cattle raids. Political tensions and political instability have also emerged. The political situation is unstable and political factions are in constant disagreement. Furthermore, there are limited economic opportunities there is also limited access to natural resources such as water and grazing land for cattle. Climate conditions and migration patterns are also discussed and explained. The cross sectional descriptive survey was used in this study. Various recommendations flowing from the results of the study are proposed in the final chapter. If adopted, these recommendations could enable the Government of South Sudan and the residents of Jonglei to overcome inter-communal conflict.

This study attempts to explore the factors that contributed to the rise and fall of military regimes in the Sudan from independence in 1956 to 1989. Further, the study tries to identify the factors that led to the collapse of either or both civilian and military regimes. Most of the studies on military politics have focused their research on either military coups or, more recently, on military withdrawal from politics. This work tries to synthesize the study of military coups and military withdrawal from politics into a single theoretical framework.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2006. / Sudan, Africa’s largest country has been plagued by civil war for more than fifty years. The war broke out before independence in 1956 and the last round of talks ended in a peace agreement early in 2005. The war started as a war between two different religions embedded in different cultures. The Islamic government constitutionalised their religious beliefs and imposed them on the whole country. This triggered heavy reaction from the Christian and animist people in the South. They were not willing to adhere to strict marginalising Islamic laws that created cleavages in society. The Anya-Anya was the first rebel group to violently oppose the government and they fought until the Addis Ababa peace accord that was reached in 1972. After the peace agreement there was relative peace before the government went against the peace agreement and again started enforcing their religious laws on the people in the South. This new wave of Islamisation sparked renewed tension between the North and the south that culminated in Dr John Garang and his SPLM/A restarting the conflict with the government in 1982. This war between the SPLA and the government lasted 22 years and only ended at the beginning of 2005. The significance of this second wave in the conflict is that it coincided with the discovery of oil in the South. Since the discovery of oil the whole focus of the war changed and oil became the centre around which the war revolved. Through this research I intend to look at the significance of oil in the conflict. The research question: how religious is Sudan’ Religious war? asks the question whether resources have become more important than religion.

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The current socio-economic and political landscape of Sudan and South Sudan can be described as one that is war-ridden and deeply divided by religion, culture, ethnicity and ownership over oil. It has been more than twelve months since the secession of Southern Sudan from the North (See Map 1). Despite the secession, general instability continues. To deal with this turmoil, Sudan declared a so-called “state of emergency” in 2012 along its border with South Sudan. The reason for this was the on-going tension between North Sudan and South Sudan over ownership of the oil-rich Abyei area. This conflict over oil is furthermore fuelled by diverse internal divisions among the Sudanese population (North and South). Sudanese diversity is characterized by two opposing antagonistic religious groupings, namely the Arabic North, whose main religious belief is Islam, and the so-called “black Africans” in the South, whose religious belief is mainly Christianity or Animist. In addition to this primary division there are also over 570 ethnic groups in Sudan (North and South). Conflicts and tension between the different ethnic groups is furthermore caused by disputes over natural resources such as water, livestock and land as well as political power and economic gains. Despite the continued conflict the assumption in this study was that the signing and implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) (2005–2011) represented a potential step towards eventual stability. This dissertation therefore focuses, as a case study, on an analytical description of the CPA and its outcomes. Specific reference was made to the role and impact of political mobilization by using an instrumental approach as a framework for analysis. In the above regard, research centred on the following three themes: *Ethnic mobilization as a factor in the political destabilization of Sudan since independence and towards the implementation of the CPA; *Ethnic mobilization as a guideline in the structuring of the CPA; and *Ethnic mobilization and the eventual outcome of the CPA. By addressing the above themes, the study attempted firstly to provide a balanced perspective on the causes of continued instability and conflict in Sudan. Secondly, an attempt was made to provide a future scenario for the possible unfolding of socio-economic and political developments in Sudan and South Sudan. / MA (Political studies), North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2013

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This thesis explores the political dimensions of development-induced displacement and resettlement (DIDR) in the context of oil extraction in Sudan. It provides a detailed perspective on the experience of displacement of the local people in the oil-rich areas of Southern Sudan. It also offers an important insight into the local politics of this much-publicized dimension of Sudan’s political crises. The analytical frameworks common to the field of DIDR, mostly developed through studies of the impact of dams, mainly deal with economic and social aspects of displacement. These frameworks are inadequate for explaining oil-induced displacement, because they largely ignore the political contexts of DIDR: the focus of this thesis. Sudan’s oil project is carried out in the name of the “national interest.” But in reality, it serves the interests of the main beneficiaries: Sudan’s Northern “Arab” and Muslim elites and their supporters. Many Southern Sudanese have had to resort to arms, partly to protect their interests in oil development, and in order to contest the purported “national interest” championed by the government. This thesis problematizes the idea of a “national interest” in Sudan in order to question who benefits from development projects that cause human displacement. It argues that conflicts of interests between central government elites and local peoples best explain why displacement connected to natural resource development occurs in weak states, such as Sudan. As a result, ethnic, religious, linguistic, regional and other identities are often exploited by elites in such states in an “instrumentalist” way so as to gain, or retain, power and access to resources. This is, at the expense of local people adversely affected by development projects.

More than 27 million people have been forced to leave their homes and have sought refuge in another part of their home country. Since they have not crossed an internationally recognized state border, they do not enjoy the same protection as refugees. The Westphalian principle of state sovereignty does not allow the international community to get involved and protect IDPs, as long as this intervention is not explicitly requested by the government. This paper defines internal displacement, shows its causes, and explores mechanisms to cope with the difficult situation of the internally displaced. A case study on the conflict in Darfur puts these issues into the real context of a complex humanitarian situation. The conflict in Darfur is an ethnic clash between the Arab supremacists in the Sudanese capital Khartoum and the African population in Darfur, which has existed since the 1980s and reached its climax in the past decade. The conflict has been the cause of one of the severest displacement tragedies considering the fact that the largest part of Sudan's more than five million IDPs are displaced in Darfur. The government has shown little interest in cooperating with the international community to assist civilians in Darfur, but is, on the contrary, generally suspected to be involved in the...