Inaug.-Diss.--Giessen. / Lebenslauf. "Literaturverzeichnis": p. vii-viii.

Orientadora: Zélia Lopes da Silva / Banca: Tânia Regina de Luca / Banca: Lídia Maria Vianna Possas / Banca: Roseli Terezinha Boschilia / Banca: Priscila David / Resumo: O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar a trajetória feminista de Júlia Lopes de Almeida no complexo cenário de luta pela emancipação da mulher, na virada do século XIX até o início da década de 1930. A escritora, não raro, foi caracterizada pela cordialidade e afabilidade de suas posturas, ao julgar pela sua atitude de não confronto ao status quo. Por pertencer a um grupo de mulheres letradas e ricas, na condição de filhas, esposas, mães de homens poderosos, que integravam altas esferas políticas, conquistou crescente aceitação e reconhecimento social, ensejo dedicado a alargar e tencionar os limites do feminino, radicalizando seu pensamento e atitudes de maneira progressiva. A trajetória de manifestações dessas mulheres de elite, entretanto, originou-se na década de 1830. No decorrer de tal século, de ações isoladas de diferentes protagonistas ou grupo de mulheres que reivindicaram o direito à instrução e ao trabalho, passou-se no século seguinte à criação de instituições que acarretaram, em meio a ações de um novo tipo de filantropia a um incipiente e organizado movimento feminista. Este contou com a liderança de figuras que marcaram a cena política e cultural do país. Neste cenário de luta pela independência, pelo trabalho, pelo divórcio e pelo sufrágio feminino, pode-se destacar a escritora Júlia Lopes de Almeida (1862-1934), que fazia parte de um grupo que se empenhou pelo ―progresso‖ da mulher brasileira. Cabe destacar, que outra vertente do movimento contava com mulheres... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The objective of this research is to analyze the feminist trajectory of Júlia Lopes de Almeida in the complex scenario of the struggle for the emancipation of women, in the turn of the nineteenth century until the beginning of the 1930s. The writer was often characterized by the cordiality and affability of their positions, judging by their attitude of non-confrontation with the status quo. Because they belonged to a group of literate and wealthy women, as daughters, wives, mothers of powerful men, who integrated high political spheres, they gained increasing acceptance and social recognition, an opportunity dedicated to extending and intending the limits of the feminine, radicalizing their thinking and attitudes in a progressive way. The trajectory of manifestations of these elite women, however, originated in the 1830s. In the course of that century, of isolated actions of different protagonists or group of women who demanded the right to education and to work, it happened in the century following the creation of institutions that entailed, in the midst of actions of a new type of philanthropy in which they were involved, in an incipient and organized feminist movement. This one counted on the leadership of figures who marked the political and cultural scene of the country. In this scenario of struggle for independence, work, divorce and female suffrage, we can highlight the writer Júlia Lopes de Almeida (1862-1934), who was part of a group that worked for the "progress" of... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

abstract: In speeches, declarations, journals, and convention proceedings, mid-nineteenth-century American woman's rights activists exhorted one another to action as equal heirs of the rights and burdens associated with independence and chided men for failing to live up to the founders' ideals and examples. They likened themselves to oppressed colonists and compared legislators to King George, yet also criticized the patriot fathers for excluding women from civic equality. This dissertation analyzes these invocations of collective memories of the nation's founding, described as Revolutionary heritage rhetoric, in publicly circulated texts produced by woman's rights associations from 1848 to 1890. This organization-driven approach de-centers the rhetoric of the early movement as the intellectual products of a few remarkable women, instead exploring movement rhetoric across the first generation through myriad voices: female and male; native- and foreign-born; those who spoke extemporaneously at conventions along with well-known organizers. Tracing the use of Revolutionary heritage rhetoric over a fifty-year span reveals that activists’ invocations of the founding were inseparably connected to their willingness to work for racial and class equality along with woman's rights. References to the Revolution and such slogans as “no taxation without representation” could be inclusive or exclusionary, depending upon how they were used and who used them. In the opening decades of the organized woman’s rights movement, claims to a shared Revolutionary heritage reflected larger commitments to racial, class, and gender equality. As organizations within the movement fractured around competing ideas about how to best improve women's lives, activists’ rhetoric changed as well. When the commitment to universal equality gave way to ideologies of race, class, and nativity privilege, references to the founding era morphed into justifications for limited, rather than equal rights. Revolutionary heritage rhetoric largely disappeared from suffrage, education, and pay equity arguments by the late 1880s, replaced by arguments grounded in white, Protestant, female moral superiority. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation History 2016

M.A. Florida State College for Women 1927 / Includes bibliographical references

This dissertation examines core themes of the developing women’s movement in the United States from 1820 to 1920—the abolition of slavery, women’s property ownership, education, political identity, motherhood, and the franchise—through the lens of decorative needlework. I read the stitch as a key medium through which women visually and materially articulated their relationship to these concerns. My project has four main aims: first, to examine decorative needlework as a site of gender construction, performance, and contestation; second, to explicate the complex temporal dynamics of this stitched craft; third, to highlight the racialized, classed, and national dynamics of this work; and fourth, to theorize the sedimentary nature of crafted and gendered forms. Analyzing the rise of architectural iconography and feminized depictions of property in schoolgirl samplers, the uses of femininity and representations of Blackness in antislavery needlework, and suffragists’ debates about the political efficacy of needlework, I argue that American women used their needlework both to signal their belonging to normative femininity and to broaden its definition in deeply classed and racialized ways. As they made samplers and other textiles, I contend, stitchers worked to craft useable femininities, gendered positions from which to speak, act, construct themselves, and be remembered. My project seeks to excavate the racialized meanings of this clearly gendered work. I trace the intimate entanglements between white supremacy, colonialism, nativism, and white women’s work to materialize their own authority through textiles. I also probe the needlework strategies employed by Black and indigenous women who both encountered decorative needlework as a coerced form, but also worked to claim public visibility, remembrance, respectability, and remuneration with their stitches, challenging the whiteness of idealized femininity. By studying the ways in which white, Black, and indigenous women used the stitch to materialize gendered and racialized relationships to property, education, citizenship, empire, enslavement, and freedom, this dissertation recaptures the significant contributions that needleworkers made to women’s cultural and political activism and reconsiders gender itself as a crafted form, materially produced in the repetition of the stitch.

This study offers a concentrated view of how a national movement developed networks from the grassroots up and how regional identity can influence national campaign strategies by examining the roles Texas and Texans played in the woman suffrage movement in the United States. The interest that multiple generations of national woman suffrage leaders showed in Texas, from Reconstruction through the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, provides new insights into the reciprocal nature of national movements. Increasingly, from 1868 to 1920, a bilateral flow of resources existed between national women's rights leaders and woman suffrage activists in Texas. Additionally, this study nationalizes the woman suffrage movement earlier than previously thought. Cross-regional woman suffrage activity has been marginalized by the belief that campaigning in the South did not exist or had not connected with the national associations until the 1890s. This closer examination provides a different view. Early woman's rights leaders aimed at a nationwide movement from the beginning. This national goal included the South, and woman suffrage interest soon spread to the region. One of the major factors in this relationship was that the primarily northeastern-based national leadership desperately needed southern support to aid in their larger goals. Texas' ability to conform and make the congruity politically successful eventually helped the state become one of NAWSA's few southern stars. National leaders believed the state was of strategic importance because Texas activists continuously told them so by emphasizing their promotion of women's rights. Tremendously adding credibility to these claims was the sheer number of times Texas legislators introduced woman suffrage resolutions over the course of more than fifty years. This happened during at least thirteen sessions of the Texas legislature, including two of the three post-Civil War constitutional conventions. This larger pattern of interdependency often culminated in both sides-the Texas and national organizations-believing that the other was necessary for successful campaigning at the state, regional, and national levels.

The purpose of this study has been to present different arguments regarding felony disenfranchisement. What was also investigated was if the practice could be compatible with Robert A. Dahl and his model of democracy. Finally, the findings were presented and what they meant. The material of the study consisted of texts produced in the purpose of arguing either for or against the practice. The content of these texts was presented through an argument analysis. They were presented fractionated by themes depending on what the argument was stating.  The results of the analysis were that there were some recurring arguments, both for and against the practice. Furthermore, it became obvious through analyzing the arguments that the model of democracy and its five criterias could not be compatible with the practice. Lastly, it could be stated that what it meant was that nothing regarding the practice of felony disenfranchisement could be compatible with Robert A. Dahl’s idea of democracy.

No description available.

Scholars who have written about local history hold no consensus on the purpose, value, and even definition of local history narrative. This thesis seeks to move the discussion away from territorial definitions of the term local history narrative and provide a framework for thinking about the field. It argues for a broad interpretation of United States local history narrative and proposes the field of local history be integrated into the academic history curriculum. Drawing on a variety of local history scholarship, the thesis first delineates the development of local history writing from the early colonial narratives, through the nineteenth-century heyday of amateur history writing, across the complicated relationship between amateur and professional history during the twentieth century, to the current spectrum of writings that include those which defy the traditional distinction between amateur and professional history. Turning next to the reflective scholarship of local history, the essay discusses issues that arise in the practice of local history such as community pressure to censor work and the challenges of sharing authority. Finally, this thesis provides a working draft of public local history narrative in a chapter investigating a suffrage convention attended by Lucy Stone and Julia Ward Howe held in 1881 in Cummington, Massachusetts, a small remote hilltown in the foothills of the Berkshires. Seeking to provide a history that engages a nonacademic local audience while exploring historical questions, this story of Henrietta S. Nahmer and the suffrage movement in Cummington demonstrates the challenges and opportunities of contemporary local history narrative.

Jessie Ackerman was the second world missionary for the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union. Her fascinating life sheds light on the most important issues facing women during this time period. Most WCTU women have been dismissed by twentieth century scholars as being religiously fanatical and conservative. They have been overshadowed by suffragists and other women that we consider more radical by today’s standards. Only in recent years have some feminist historians begun to reexamine the contributions WCTU women made to the suffrage movement and to feminism. The research for this thesis relies heavily on primary sources including Ackerman’s personal papers found in Sherrod Library’s Archives of Appalachia, her three published books,Australia From a Woman’s Point of View, What Women Have Done With the Vote, and The World Through a Woman’s Eyes. Also consulted were issues of the WCTU’s official journal, The Union Signal, from 1887 through 1892.