No description available.

The purpose of this study was to gain a more complete understanding of Mormon politics in territorial Utah by studying the growth and development of the political process in Summit County to 1882. The study suggests that the county was governed by a relatively small but growing group of politically minded men, many of whom also ecclesiastical trust or who were among the pioneers of the area. The study also suggests that the Mormon teaching of unity in all things and fair representation among county offices from the county's major population centers were the governing principles of Mormon political action and that any violation of the second principle usually affected the first principle, resulting in opposition on election day. Additionally, the study suggests that the granting of female suffrage in 1870 did not materially affect the county's political outlook. Finally, the study suggests that the establishment of the Mormon Summit Stake in 1877 and the passage of the Edmunds Law in 1881 were significant factors in the evolving of the People's Party as the vehicle for the expression of Mormon political will.

No description available.

The aim of this thesis is to determine whether promoting the free flow of information at the international level through the UN is effective as a solution to global communication inequalities. The first part of the thesis follows the development of global communication system and the importance of information at international level. The second part deals with the activities of the UN in this area. Conclusion summarizes the individual chapters. The analysis leads to the conclusion that promoting the free flow of information has no effect under the current conditions on the reduction of inequalities in the global communication system.

After the Cold War, international relationships changed from the Yalta System (emphasis on military alliance and arms race led by both superpowers the U.S. and the former Soviet Union) to the Malta System (emphasis on economic and security cooperation). Multilateral security cooperation mechanisms in the Asia Pacific were established one after another under the transition of the whole international circumstance. For purposes of maintaining regional stability, the PRC fully participates in the following meetings: ASEAN Regional Forum¡BThe Four Party Talks¡BAsia Europe Meeting¡BASEAN+3 Informal Summit¡BASEAN+1 Informal Summit¡BASEAN-China Dialogue Session¡BWorkshop on Managing Potential Conflicts in the South China Sea and Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific. It is a worthy issue to continuously observe whether these mechanisms can indeed shape China as a regional responsible member. On the other hand, we must question whether the PRC's participation is merely a tool that can help achieve other underlying purposes. Accordingly, this thesis will discuss two main subjects. Firstly, we will look into China¡¦s standpoints and strategies for participating in these Asia Pacific multilateral security mechanisms. Secondly, we will examine the Asia Pacific security strategies of the U.S., JAPAN, and ASEAN as well as their standpoints and strategies towards the PRC's participation in the Asia Pacific multilateral security mechanisms.

Analysts have had a long fascination with moments of significant change and discontinuity in political relations. Studies of “exogenous shocks,” “critical junctures,” “historical events,” “policy windows,” and “punctuated equilibria” have occupied a prominent place in qualitative assessments of policy and institutional change. Yet, despite analysts’ interest, these turning points remain poorly understood. Leading theoretical treatments are overwhelmingly descriptive, offering little in the way of explanatory capacity. Introducing the concept of Temporal Focal Points, my thesis provides a temporal extension to Thomas C. Schelling’s focal point hypothesis. Temporal Focal Points—definite, exceptional phases along the temporal continuum—precipitate a convergence of expectations among actors in time that heightens the likelihood of agreement. Convergent expectations are a crucial means of overcoming temporal coordination problems among actors. By facilitating a spike in analytical activity, political entrepreneurship, and bargaining intensity, actors are able realize joint gains opened up by past shifts in key parameters. Prominent temporal signposts allow actors to recognize that existing institutional arrangements are not an equilibrium. I test the plausibility of this theory through an analysis of the record of change at four distinct phases of the history of the United Nations environment regime from 1962-1992, including the 1972 Stockholm conference, the 1982 Nairobi conference, the UN General Assembly’s response to the Brundtland report, and the 1992 Rio Earth Summit.

Leadership has been claimed to be a critical determinant of success and failure in international negotiations. This thesis brings together the study of leadership in multilateral negotiations with the emerging discipline of climate change-induced human mobility. This is done by investigating the prevalence of leadership in the climate change and human mobility nexus, looking at three different actors: the Alliance of Small Island States, Bangladesh and Norway. These actors were analyzed in two different ways: first, by describing how each actor exercise leadership using an analytical framework informed by leadership theories. Second, by investigating whether these actors seem to be recognized as leaders by others, conducting and analyzing a survey from the United Nations Climate Change Conference 2018, COP24. The results indicate that all three actors can be said to exercise leadership in the area of climate change-induced migration, although they exercise leadership in slightly different ways. Out of the three actors that were analyzed, AOSIS was the only actor that seemed to be recognized by others as a leader in the effort to address climate change-induced human mobility.

Diplomatic summits serve as critical opportunities for national leaders to interact and mobilize the political will needed to address the world’s greatest challenges. Yet, summits have a checkered past with both successes and failures. Consequently, summit diplomacy has been equated with highly publicized photo opportunities for heads of government and grandiose communiqués with vague commitments that are never fully realized. Due to concerns about their effectiveness, legitimacy, and representation, summits are in a period of transition. These trends and challenges are especially evident in the G8, and scholars have recognized that the G8 summit has evolved to include more actors than the past. Although acknowledged as a potential site of networked governance, empirical evidence of such activity is limited. Research has yet to identify the actors involved, the structures of the relationships, and the impact of networked approaches on the preparatory process. This research specifically explores the question of how a global level network affects the priorities adopted by the G8. Using the 2010 G8 Summit as a case to examine the increased prevalence of networked activity, this study focuses on the Summit’s signature initiative: maternal, newborn and child health (MNCH). MNCH is a longstanding global problem and despite efforts such as the Millennium Development Goals, poor health outcomes persist in regions throughout the world. But to understand the selection and shaping of MNCH as the signature initiative of the 2010 G8 Summit, a mixed method approach is used. Social network analysis provides a detailed description of the actors involved in networked governance in summit diplomacy for the G8, and the structure of their relationships with one another. Qualitative data analysis of 63 in depth interviews of network members illuminates the rich and varied perspectives of the participants, which yields insight about why and how actors engage each other in order to achieve individual and collective goals. The study demonstrated that networked governance contributed to the political prioritization and substantive policy content of summit agenda items, determined during the 2010 G8 Summit preparatory process. In the case of MNCH, while the network was found to include of a diverse range of state and non-state actors, a core group of bureaucratic, political, and NGO actors played a prominent role in the selection and shaping of the MNCH initiative. Yet, the role, values and contributions of actors within the network were contested by network members during the preparatory process, demonstrating that shared goals and norms were not a dominant feature of the network. Moreover, the networked governance process has not entirely escaped the confines of geographical boundaries, given the most central actors in the network met face-to-face on a regular basis and were located in close geographical proximity. Actors from regions where MNCH problems persist most severely remained marginalized in the networked approach. While financial capital is an essential ingredient for the MNCH programs and interventions proposed for the G8 initiative, social capital was a neglected factor that is critical for building the capacity to generate new ideas and solutions. Actors within the 2010 G8 preparatory network for MNCH adopted various strategies to build and mobilize social capital. Specifically, a group of Canadian-based NGOs and an international organization formed a coalition in order to strategically advance the MNCH issue on the summit agenda. Conversely, government actors did not invest in developing and mobilizing social capital. Ultimately, informal strategies proved more valuable for breaking down hierarchical barriers and exerting influence than formal processes designed by government. Networked governance was a key factor that contributed to the political prioritization and shaping of the MNCH signature initiative for the 2010 G8 Summit and increased the inclusiveness of the summit’s preparatory process. However, while important, networked governance was not sufficient to fully explain the final outcomes – other factors such as domestic and global political contexts and the characteristics of the MNCH issue influenced the process and outcomes. Moreover, G8 summit diplomacy moved beyond being solely a state-based process in the case of MNCH, but the presence of a network of interconnected actors did not equate to better problem-solving. Although scholars and practitioners agree that integrated horizontal and vertical approaches are required for addressing the complexity of MNCH challenges, the networked approach failed to enable a move beyond conventional solutions to address the systemic nature of MNCH challenges. The findings of the study have important implications for policy and governance processes, where widespread cooperation among a network of state and non-state actors will be required for resolving intractable global problems.

Diplomatic summits serve as critical opportunities for national leaders to interact and mobilize the political will needed to address the world’s greatest challenges. Yet, summits have a checkered past with both successes and failures. Consequently, summit diplomacy has been equated with highly publicized photo opportunities for heads of government and grandiose communiqués with vague commitments that are never fully realized. Due to concerns about their effectiveness, legitimacy, and representation, summits are in a period of transition. These trends and challenges are especially evident in the G8, and scholars have recognized that the G8 summit has evolved to include more actors than the past. Although acknowledged as a potential site of networked governance, empirical evidence of such activity is limited. Research has yet to identify the actors involved, the structures of the relationships, and the impact of networked approaches on the preparatory process. This research specifically explores the question of how a global level network affects the priorities adopted by the G8. Using the 2010 G8 Summit as a case to examine the increased prevalence of networked activity, this study focuses on the Summit’s signature initiative: maternal, newborn and child health (MNCH). MNCH is a longstanding global problem and despite efforts such as the Millennium Development Goals, poor health outcomes persist in regions throughout the world. But to understand the selection and shaping of MNCH as the signature initiative of the 2010 G8 Summit, a mixed method approach is used. Social network analysis provides a detailed description of the actors involved in networked governance in summit diplomacy for the G8, and the structure of their relationships with one another. Qualitative data analysis of 63 in depth interviews of network members illuminates the rich and varied perspectives of the participants, which yields insight about why and how actors engage each other in order to achieve individual and collective goals. The study demonstrated that networked governance contributed to the political prioritization and substantive policy content of summit agenda items, determined during the 2010 G8 Summit preparatory process. In the case of MNCH, while the network was found to include of a diverse range of state and non-state actors, a core group of bureaucratic, political, and NGO actors played a prominent role in the selection and shaping of the MNCH initiative. Yet, the role, values and contributions of actors within the network were contested by network members during the preparatory process, demonstrating that shared goals and norms were not a dominant feature of the network. Moreover, the networked governance process has not entirely escaped the confines of geographical boundaries, given the most central actors in the network met face-to-face on a regular basis and were located in close geographical proximity. Actors from regions where MNCH problems persist most severely remained marginalized in the networked approach. While financial capital is an essential ingredient for the MNCH programs and interventions proposed for the G8 initiative, social capital was a neglected factor that is critical for building the capacity to generate new ideas and solutions. Actors within the 2010 G8 preparatory network for MNCH adopted various strategies to build and mobilize social capital. Specifically, a group of Canadian-based NGOs and an international organization formed a coalition in order to strategically advance the MNCH issue on the summit agenda. Conversely, government actors did not invest in developing and mobilizing social capital. Ultimately, informal strategies proved more valuable for breaking down hierarchical barriers and exerting influence than formal processes designed by government. Networked governance was a key factor that contributed to the political prioritization and shaping of the MNCH signature initiative for the 2010 G8 Summit and increased the inclusiveness of the summit’s preparatory process. However, while important, networked governance was not sufficient to fully explain the final outcomes – other factors such as domestic and global political contexts and the characteristics of the MNCH issue influenced the process and outcomes. Moreover, G8 summit diplomacy moved beyond being solely a state-based process in the case of MNCH, but the presence of a network of interconnected actors did not equate to better problem-solving. Although scholars and practitioners agree that integrated horizontal and vertical approaches are required for addressing the complexity of MNCH challenges, the networked approach failed to enable a move beyond conventional solutions to address the systemic nature of MNCH challenges. The findings of the study have important implications for policy and governance processes, where widespread cooperation among a network of state and non-state actors will be required for resolving intractable global problems.

Zur gemeinsamen Positionierung der Botschafter Russlands und Chinas in den USA aus Anlass von Bidens „Gipfel für Demokratie“ (Dezember 2021) und dessen 'regelbasierter Weltordnung': • Kommentar: Zum Botschafter-Beitrag und zum Meinungsbeitrag aus Russland (dt.); • Meinungsbeitrag aus Russland: Zum Botschafter-Beitrag und zu Bidens 'Summit for Democracy' 2021 (dt. Übersetzung); • Dokumentation: Online-Beitrag der Botschafter Russlands und Chinas vom 26. November 2021. (dt. Übersetzung); • Textoriginale (engl., russ.).:„Harmonisierung der Interessen im Dialog“ versus „Regelbasierte Weltordnung“ und Bidens „Gipfel für Demokratie“ (2021) • Kommentar von Wilfried Schreiber: 'Denkanstoß und Appell der Vernunft aus Russland und China' • Meinungsbeitrag von Wladimir Pawlenko: 'Russland und China schreiten zu entschlossenen gemeinsamen Aktionen'. In: IA Regnum, Moskau, 28. November 2021. (Übersetzung a. d. Russ. von Rainer Böhme.) • Dokumentation: Gemeinsamer Beitrag der Botschafter Russlands und Chinas in Washington: 'Achtung der demokratischen Rechte der Völker'. Online aus 'The National Interest' vom 26. November 2021. (Übersetzung a. d. Engl. von Rainer Böhme). • Textoriginale: .- Meinungsbeitrag von W. Pawlenko (russ.) vom 28. November 2021; .- Gemeinsamer Beitrag der Botschafter Russlands und Chinas. (engl.) In: 'The National Interest' vom 26. November 2021; .- Gemeinsamer Beitrag der Botschafter Russlands und Chinas. (russ.) Offizieller Wortlaut des Außenministeriums der RF vom 27. November 2021.