Zur gemeinsamen Positionierung der Botschafter Russlands und Chinas in den USA aus Anlass von Bidens „Gipfel für Demokratie“ (Dezember 2021) und dessen 'regelbasierter Weltordnung': • Kommentar: Zum Botschafter-Beitrag und zum Meinungsbeitrag aus Russland (dt.); • Meinungsbeitrag aus Russland: Zum Botschafter-Beitrag und zu Bidens 'Summit for Democracy' 2021 (dt. Übersetzung); • Dokumentation: Online-Beitrag der Botschafter Russlands und Chinas vom 26. November 2021. (dt. Übersetzung); • Textoriginale (engl., russ.).:„Harmonisierung der Interessen im Dialog“ versus „Regelbasierte Weltordnung“ und Bidens „Gipfel für Demokratie“ (2021) • Kommentar von Wilfried Schreiber: 'Denkanstoß und Appell der Vernunft aus Russland und China' • Meinungsbeitrag von Wladimir Pawlenko: 'Russland und China schreiten zu entschlossenen gemeinsamen Aktionen'. In: IA Regnum, Moskau, 28. November 2021. (Übersetzung a. d. Russ. von Rainer Böhme.) • Dokumentation: Gemeinsamer Beitrag der Botschafter Russlands und Chinas in Washington: 'Achtung der demokratischen Rechte der Völker'. Online aus 'The National Interest' vom 26. November 2021. (Übersetzung a. d. Engl. von Rainer Böhme). • Textoriginale: .- Meinungsbeitrag von W. Pawlenko (russ.) vom 28. November 2021; .- Gemeinsamer Beitrag der Botschafter Russlands und Chinas. (engl.) In: 'The National Interest' vom 26. November 2021; .- Gemeinsamer Beitrag der Botschafter Russlands und Chinas. (russ.) Offizieller Wortlaut des Außenministeriums der RF vom 27. November 2021.

1 CHARLES UNIVERSITY IN PRAGUE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Mexico and climate change in the international context according to political agendas Master's Thesis Author: Marjhory Melissa Iturbe Perez Study Programme: International Economics and Political Studies (IEPS) Supervisor: Mgr. Lukáš Perutka, Ph.D. Academic Year: 2019-2021 2 Declaration of Authorship 1. The author hereby declares that he compiled this thesis independently, using only the listed resources and literature 2. The author hereby declares that all the sources and literature used have been properly cited. 3. They author hereby declares that the thesis has not been used to obtain a different or the same degree. Prague … 27 July 2021 Marjhory Melissa Iturbe Perez 3 Acknowledgements I Thank my mom for being my driving force in every step of my life. I would like to thank Dr. Lukáš Perutka for his supervision and direction as well as Dr. Vilém Semerák for his clarity support and guidance in this analysis I thank my family for their encouragement and support throughout my master's degree. 4 Bibliographic Annotation Iturbe Perez Marjhory Melissa, Mexico and climate change in the international context according to political agendas. Prague 2021: Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences. Department of North American Studies. Supervisor Mgr....

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Die vorliegende Arbeit geht der Frage nach, wie sich König Juan Carlos I. als maßgeblicher Initiator der Iberoamerikanischen Gipfeltreffen und damit einhergehend der Iberoamerikanischen Gemeinschaft im Ideologiekonstrukt des Panhispanismus Ende des 20. / Anfang des 21. Jahrhunderts positioniert. König Juan Carlos’ I. politische Einstellung gegenüber der iberoamerikanischen Geschicke wird im Rahmen einer empirisch-linguistischen Analyse seiner Gipfelreden festgemacht, um vor dem Hintergrund der Betrachtung der Begriffe Ideologie und Panhispanismusideologie den ideologischen Gehalt der königlichen Aussagen zu ergründen. Die Untersuchung ist im Rahmen einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse nach Philipp Mayring durchgeführt worden. Als einen bemerkenswerten Vorteil des inhaltsanalytischen Verfahrens im Vergleich zu anderen Textanalysemethoden definiert Mayring (2015) seine Verankerung in einem kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Kontext. Das heißt, dass das Datenmaterial in seinem Kommunikationszusammenhang erfasst wird und folglich sowohl seine Entstehung als auch seine Wirkung in die Interpretation einfließen. In Anlehnung an die Lasswell’sche Formel (Lasswell 1957) und an das inhaltsanalytische Kommunikationsmodell nach Mayring (2015) liegt der Fokus der Analyse folglich darauf, durch die Reden des Königs, Aussagen sowohl über den emotionalen und kognitiven Hintergrund als auch über den Handlungshintergrund des Kommunikators, nämlich König Juan Carlos I., zu treffen. Im Rahmen der vorliegenden Arbeit wird daher davon ausgegangen, dass die Reden Juan Carlos I. anlässlich der Iberoamerikanischen Gipfeltreffen die ethischen und politischen Leitgedanken des spanischen Staatschefs wiederspiegeln. Um dem Erkenntnisinteresse dieser Arbeit gerecht zu werden, wurde ein primär qualitatives Verfahren gewählt. Der offene Charakter qualitativer Methoden ermöglicht eine authentische Erfassung der Lebenswelt und Sichtweisen des Kommunikators Juan Carlos I. in Bezug auf das Thema der Annäherung Spaniens und Lateinamerikas. Die Durchführung der Analyse basiert auf einem vorab konstruierten und an das vorliegende Datenmaterial angepassten Ablaufmodell. Entsprechend des zusammenfassenden, explikativen Vorgehens wird der Materialcorpus reduziert (Zusammenfassung) und die Analyseeinheiten extrahiert und kodiert. Anschließend erfolgt die Interpretation der kategorisierten Analyseeinheiten vor dem Hintergrund externen Textmaterials (Explikation). Das Kategoriensystem als Herzstück der Analyse wird im Rahmen einer Pilotstudie vor der Bearbeitung des Gesamtcorpus induktiv generiert. Anhand der Untersuchung der königlichen Gipfelreden lässt sich konstatieren, dass die Iberoamerikanischen Gipfeltreffen die Beziehungen zwischen beiden Gemeinschaftspartnern auf ideeller Ebene durchaus vorangebracht haben. Dank der gemeinsamen Arbeit im Rahmen der Gipfeltreffen und der Gemeinschaft ist „Iberoamerika“ tatsächlich zu einer Realität geworden. Der instrumentelle Charakter der auch weiterhin maßgeblich von Spanien initiierten Annäherungsbemühungen bleibt zwar weitgehend erhalten, nimmt aber heute deutlich partnerschaftliche Züge an als im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert – man begegnet sich auf Augenhöhe. Die Bilanz aus drei Jahrhunderten Annäherungsarbeit, die Maria Hirsch in ihrer Arbeit zieht, ist jedoch dennoch ernüchternd: Die spanischen Bemühungen blieben bis heute meist in ihrem rhetorischen Rahmen gefangen und konnten aus ihrer Sicht bisher nur sehr bescheidene, marginale und praktisch kaum relevante Ergebnisse verbuchen. Die Annäherungsversuche lebten und leben vom wishful thinking. Eigenlob und klägliche Ergebnisse werden rhetorisch geschickt in große Worthülsen verpackt, bleiben aber für Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft in der Realität letztendlich wirkungslos. Lediglich der Imperiumsgedanke, Spaniens egoistisches Streben nach der grandeza aus Kolonialzeiten, gilt im 21. Jahrhundert als obsolet und spielt in der spanischen Argumentation zu Gunsten einer Iberoamerikanischen Gemeinschaft keine Rolle mehr. Trotz partnerschaftlicher Annäherung lässt sich laut Maria Hirsch die traurige Bilanz nicht schönfärben – die hehren Ziele, Hoffnungen und Erwartungen, die die teilnehmenden Akteure aber auch die Bevölkerung an das jährlich stattfindende Zusammentreffen der Staats- und Regierungschefs knüpften, haben sich bisher nicht erfüllt. Der Schritt vom kulturellen Gipfel zum Wirtschaftsgipfel will aus ihrer Sicht einfach nicht gelingen – die Iberoamerikanischen Gipfeltreffen ordnen sich daher in den Reigen rein rhetorischer Annäherungsversuche ein, die Spanien seit dem Verlust seiner letzten Kolonien gegenüber Lateinamerika unternimmt.

São inúmeros os países que debatem a supervisão política da Internet. Do ponto de vista geográfico, a atual supervisão, pela ICANN, reflete a centralização do poder e do controle mantido por um único país, os EUA. Este fato fragmenta os demais Estados Nacionais que buscam formar uma Governança de Internet multilateral. Uma das questões centrais que buscamos desvendar em nosso trabalho é identificar se há possibilidade de se estabelecer uma Governança Global de Internet capaz de atuar no modelo multistakeholder, ou multilateral, cuja responsabilidade governamental atua com atores da sociedade para um pacto global de Internet onde as correlações de forças se alteram de forma democrática, eqüitativa e equilibrada, igualitária com objetivo de atender as demandas da sociedade global. No intuito de verificar a constituição do modelo de governança da Internet brasileira investigamos a história da implantação da Internet no Brasil, desde instalação das redes acadêmicas não comerciais, no final dos anos 80, à formação do marco regulatório com a criação do Governo Eletrônico em 1995. Até o momento as questões geopolíticas que envolvem a Governança de Internet, a partir de um sistema internacional, demonstram que as propostas atendem a múltiplos interesses e que podem levar a conflitos, porque são de difíceis consensos e também por ser assuntos relacionados à privacidade, padrões de abertura, acesso e conectividade, multilingüismo, spam, acesso ao conhecimento, liberdade de expressão e os Direitos e Deveres da Internet. A metodologia empregada neste trabalho se consubstanciou na elaboração de pesquisas, levantamentos bibliográficos,entrevistas e trabalhos de campo que renderam em torno de 60 horas de gravação. Buscamos ainda compreender e efetuar uma reflexão dos conceitos aplicados à Governança, enfatizando que uma Governança mundial é um conceito políticoestratégico que revela grandes e difíceis questões que afetam as economias nacionais e a atual ordem mundial, com desdobramentos que irão obviamente provocar mudanças no território dessas economias. A intervenção regulatória é cada vez maior no desenvolvimento das redes de comunicação que têm alcance global. Na geografia, o termo governança quando adicionado às categorias espaço e território remetem as questões e conteúdos relacionados à soberania, à geopolítica, à regulação (ordenamento) e ao controle jurídico da autoridade política estabelecida ou em exercício, que dizem respeito ao poder para ou ao poder sobre. A transição da Governança unilateral da Internet para uma Governança de Internet multilateral, baseada no modelo multistakeholder, cujo anseio visa estabelecer um novo modelo de Governança formulado por múltiplos atores, de modo transparente e democrático, assentada em princípios de cooperação concebidos de forma compartilhada, teve início a partir da Resolução 56/183 da ONU, em que todos os organismos das Nações Unidas foram convocados para contribuir para a formação da Cúpula Mundial sobre a Sociedade de Informação (CMSI), juntamente com representações da sociedade civil, de organizações não-governamentais e de organizações intergovernamentais. Em seguida a instituição do Internet Fórum Global (IGF). Este novo modelo vem sendo constituído como uma prerrogativa do exercício soberano dos Estados Nacionais, e está em fase de consolidação. / Many countries debate the political supervision of Internet. In the point of view of the Geography, todays supervision, by ICANN, reflects the centralization of the power and control of one country only, the USA. This fact fragments the other National States that try to form a multilateral internet governance. One of the central questions we try to uncover in our research is to identify if there is any possibility to establish a Global Internet Governance capable to act in the multistakeholder or multilateral model, whose governmental responsibility works with society actors to an internet global pact, where the correlations of power alter in a democratic, equitative and balanced, equalitarian way with the objective of attending the demands of the global society. With aim to verify the establishment of the model of Brazilian Internet governance, it was investigated the history of the implantation of Internet in Brazil, since installation of academic non-commercial networks, in the late 80, and the formation of the regulatory framework with the creation of Electronic Government in 1995. Up to the moment, the geopolitical questions which involve the internet governance, from an international system, show that the proposes answer to multiples interests that can lead to conflicts, due to the fact that they have difficult consensus and also for being related to issues such as privacy, opening patterns, access and connectivity, multilinguism, spam, knowledge access, freedom of expression and Internet Bill of Rights. The methodology used in this paper was made up of research elaboration, bibliographical survey, interviews and field work, generating about sixty hours of audio record. We also tried to understand and put into practice a reflection on the concepts of Governance, emphasizing that a Global Governance is a political-strategic concept that reveals huge as well as hard issues that affect national economies and todays world order, unfolding in a way so as to cause changes in the areas of these economies. The regulatory intervention in the development of communication networks with global range gets bigger each day. In Geography the term Governance, when added to the categories of space and territory, lead to issues and contents related to sovereign, geopolitics, regulation (ordering) and to the juridical control of the established or in exercise political authority, that are related to power to or power over. The transition of Unilateral Governance of Internet to a Multilateral one, based on the multistakeholder model, that objectives to establish a new model of Governance formulated by multiples actors, in a transparent and democratic way, settled on principles of cooperation generated by a sharing pattern, was settled in the 56/183 UN Resolution, when all the United Nations organisms were called to contribute to the formation of the Global Domain about Information Society, along with representatives of the civil society, nongovernmental organizations, and of intergovernmental organizations. Next, the Internet Global Forum (IGF) was constituted. This new model, which is in consolidation process, is being constituted as a prerogative of the sovereign exercise of The National States.

This thesis explains how national media shape Indian foreign policy toward Pakistan. I use empirical research to explore the contribution of national media to the formulation of policy during the 1999 Kargil War and 2001 Agra Summit between India and Pakistan. I created a database of news articles in the leading national English newspapers—The Times of India and Hindustan Times and then coded and analyzed them. I analyze the media’s role by identifying trends in media strategies such as framing, agenda setting, and manufacturing consent. In addition, I analyze government documents and parliamentary debates to gather information on the policy processes and on government- media relations. I suggest that the media’s role in shaping policy depends on the level of internal dissent, understood as disagreement between the government and the opposition parties. I argue that national dissent allows the media to emerge as an independent actor, influencing the formulation of foreign policy by presenting their own opinions and policy suggestions. This was the case during the Agra Summit. On the other hand, as seen in the case of the Kargil War, during times of national consensus, the media echo the government’s voice and garner public support for the government’s actions. As such, this thesis contributes to existing scholarship and primary fieldwork by providing an original analysis of the intersection of media and foreign policy.

Based on a Ph.D. thesis - Liverpool Hope University College. / Includes bibliographical references and index.

This study analyses Uganda’s 2004 Broadcast Policy in light of the WSIS principles in order to establish whether the policy enables radio to build an inclusive and people-centred Information Society, and if so, in what ways it does this. The study specifically focuses on radio, which it views as the dominant medium in Uganda, and therefore the medium with the greatest potential to build a sustainable Information Society in the country. The study is informed by media policy theories as well as Information Society theories. It is argued that although most definitions of the Information Society consider the newer ICTs, especially the Internet, as the key drivers in the Information Society, most developing countries like Uganda are far from reaching the desired level of computer and Internet access as proposed by some Information Society theorists. Instead, most people in Uganda rely heavily on older ICTs, especially radio, for information about key issues in their daily lives. Inevitably, radio ends up being a key player in building the Information Society in these countries. The study, therefore, finds most of the common Information Society theories lacking and adopts the WSIS definition, which is more relevant to Uganda’s situation. This study also maintains that if radio is to be a key player in building an inclusive and people-centred Information Society in Uganda, the 2004 Broadcast Policy has to create that enabling environment, by, for example, promoting public service radio through local content programming, and diversifying radio ownership. The data for this study was obtained using the qualitative research approach, and specifically the research tools of document analysis and individual in-depth interviews. The findings indicate that the policy’s emphasis is on building a broadcast sector that addresses the public’s interests through local content programming and provision of diversified media services. However, the study also found that the policy is vague on some very crucial aspects, which would benefit the public, namely, local content quotas and the independence of the public service broadcaster.