Syftet med studien var att analysera Sveriges regerings åtgärdsprogram för att bekämpa mäns våld mot kvinnor. Åtgärdsprogrammet analyserades med Carol Bacchis analysmetod What’s the problem represented to be, (WPR), och utifrån ett intersektionellt perspektiv. Tidigare forskning har visat på betydelsen av ett intersektionellt perspektiv i policydokument, dels för att ge en mer heltäckande förståelse för hur mäns våld mot kvinnor kan se ut, dels för att det möjliggör att utforma anpassad hjälp och stöd till de våldsutsatta kvinnorna. Resultatet visade att problemet med mäns våld mot kvinnor främst grundar sig i könsmaktsordning. Åtgärdsprogrammet utgår från att alla relationer är heteronormativa och monogama, där män beskrivs som förövarna men problematiserats inte ytterligare. Resultatet visade också på att det finns ett fokus på att beskriva de våldsutsatta kvinnorna. Stöd och hjälpinsatser formuleras efter kvinnans livssituation. Utrikes födda beskrivs som en enhetlig grupp, där regeringen utgår från att alla delar samma erfarenheter. Resultatet visade också på att regeringen har ett intersektionell perspektiv i deras förklaringar när det kommer till orsaker till mäns våld mot kvinnor, hur de våldsutsatta kvinnorna beskrivs, samt hur stöd och hjälpinsatser formuleras. / The purpose of the study was to analyze the Swedish government's action program to combat men's violence against women. The action program was analyzed using Carol Bacchi's analysis method What's the problem represented to be, (WPR), and from an intersectional perspective. Previous research has shown the importance of an intersectional perspective in policy documents, partly to provide a more comprehensive understanding of what men's violence against women can look like, and partly because it makes it possible to design adapted help and support for women exposed to violence. The results showed that the problem of men's violence against women is mainly based on gender order. The action program assumes that all relationships are heteronormative and monogamous, where men are described as the perpetrators but not further problematized. The results also showed that there is a focus on describing the women exposed to violence. Support and relief efforts are formulated according to the woman's life situation. Foreign-born are described as a unified group, where the government assumes that everyone shares the same experiences. The results also showed that the government has an intersectional perspective in their explanations when it comes to the causes of men's violence against women, how the women exposed to violence are described, and how support and relief efforts are formulated. / <p>2022-06-02</p>

This thesis takes its onset in a growing debate about globalization and its possible consequences for the Weberian-state monopoly on the use of force. It concerns the discursive legitimizing and construction of Swedish military peace operations. It studies how the official, Governmental discourse is structured, which arguments are used and how these in turn motivate and legitimize operations. Theoretically it is situated within a poststructuralist understanding but drawing on wider international relations theories to relate the empirical findings to existing research. Methodologically it uses a discourse analytical framework developed by Lene Hansen, supplemented with analytical concepts stemming from the work of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Empirically the thesis analyses Governmental Bills, a Governmental Communication and one op-ed written by the minister of Defence in regards of peace operations. The empirical analysis show that the official Swedish discourse of peace operations is structured by three basic discourses; internationalism, stateism and humanitarianism. These are analysed and interpreted in the light of different IR theoretical understandings. The thesis argues that the basic discourses are involved in a reciprocal process in which the state legitimizes peace operations and reproduces the idea of states and foremost the notion of an international state system. The humanitarian factor is less elaborated on in the material, which can be interpreted in different ways, one being that the humanitarian situation is not so important in the eyes of states, another that it is regarded as so self-evident that the situation of flesh and blood individuals is the legitimating reason for Swedish engagement in peace operations that it does not need to be said. The thesis ends with a critical discussion where its findings are related both to the globalization debate and critical peace operations literature.

This essay examines the implementation of the Swedish government's Action Plan on Business and Human Rights by two Swedish companies. The study is conducted using a qualitative method in combination with a comparative approach. The data analyzed consists of the UN's Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, the Swedish government's Action Plan on Business and Human Rights from 2015, and the Swedish legal framework on business including human rights in there sustainability report. The study also looks at the government's follow-up of the Action Plan to determine if the measures taken had any effect. The study does not take into account any new developments in the issue presented by the current government. The study finds that the two companies have implemented some of the recommendations made in the Action Plan, but not all. The analysis shows that the companies' reporting on human rights is inadequate and not in line with the Action Plan's requirements. The study concludes that more needs to be done by companies to ensure the respect for human rights and the implementation of the Action Plan.