Zugl.: Saarbrücken, Universiẗat, Diss., 2007 u.d.T.: Thewes, Hanno: Konzeption und Umsetzung eines integrierten Haushalts-Management-Systems als Modellfall eines transaktionsbasierten eGovernments. / Hergestellt on demand.

Doctor Legum - LLD / The adoption of the 2013 Constitution of Zimbabwe heralded a new era with high expectations from ordinary citizens of Zimbabwe. Among other matters, the Constitution provides for a multilevel system of government with government organised at the national, provincial and local levels. The design of this system of government is linked to the need, inter alia, to realise development, build democracy and sustain peace in Zimbabwe. Provincial and local governments are expected to play a role in the realisation of these goals. The question is whether the law and policy governing provincial and local governments in Zimbabwe enables these governments to play that role. It will be argued that the law and policy hinders the role of provincial and local governments in realising development, building democracy and sustaining peace. The national government has excessive supervisory powers over provincial and local governments which limit the minimum level of local discretion required if these lower governments are to assist in realising development, building democracy and sustaining peace. Moreover, the legal and institutional design emphasises coordinative rather than cooperative relations among governments, thereby undermining opportunities for effective multilevel governance. It will be argued that the 2013 Constitution, however, provides the foundation upon which an effective system of multilevel government can be built. Mere alignment of the legislative framework with the 2013 Constitution is nevertheless unlikely to give full effect to the non-centralised system of government envisaged by this new Constitution. What is required is the development of a policy, institutional and legislative framework that gives effect to the constitutional spirit of devolution of power and cooperative governance.

The diploma thesis deals with party system stability and its aim is to verify the hypothesis, that the countries with the longest continuity of the political regime prove the highest level of party system stability. The author tries to confirm this hypothesis by analysing the party system stability in six chosen cases, which include the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Portugal, Spain, Austria and Germany. To confirm the hypothesis the author use qualitative and quantitative analysis based on the concept that focuses on relations between political parties, structure of party competition and patterns of coalition formation. This approach defines the party system stability by setting four criterions: frequency of government alternation, type of government alternation, innovation of governing formulas and access of political parties to government. The thesis analyses according to this concept the party systems of the six states in the term 1993-2013 and also covers the historical context of party systems development in the selected cases from the end of the World War II. The author stresses in the whole thesis the case of the Czech Republic.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo discutir a viabilidade de governos minoritários no presidencialismo brasileiro. Seu objeto de estudo é a formação do governo Collor, momento em que se compôs um gabinete minoritário, e hipótese aqui advogada é a de que o presidente agiu racionalmente ao realizar a opção minoritária. Essa noção é contra-intuitiva porque vai de encontro à tradicional concepção de presidencialismo de coalizão que informa a literatura política nacional. Todavia, uma breve apreciação do estado-da-arte sobre o sistema político brasileiro evidencia uma dinâmica específica das relações Executivo-Legislativo que não impede a existência e viabilidade de governos minoritários. A partir dessa percepção, constrói-se um modelo analítico cujas variáveis nos permitem desvendar o cálculo presidencial que levou Fernando Collor de Mello a constituir seu governo com ministérios apartidários. Por fim, retomam-se as relações entre aquele governo e o PMDB, na votação do Plano Collor, para demonstrar que governos sem base nominal majoritária conseguem lograr êxito parlamentar, dada a conjuntura anteriormente exposta. / This paper aims at discussing the survival of minority governments under Brazilian presidentialism, with its focus on the formation of the Collor government, when a minority cabinet was assembled. The hypothesis put forth in this study is that the president acted rationally in picking the minority option, however counter-intuitive it might seem, given that it is not supported by the traditional concept of coalition presidentialism around which most of our political literature was built. We thus need to shed light on the state-of-the-art of the Brazilian political system, which evidences some specific dynamics of Executive-Legislative relations permissible to the existence and viability of minority coalition governments. Following this notion, we built an analytical model whose variables allow us to unveil the presidential calculus that led President Collor de Mello into forming his cabinet with nonpartisan portfolio-holders. In the end, the relationship between that government and the PMDB during the voting of the Collor Plan is brought to light, in order to demonstrate that governments lacking nominal majoritarian support are able to enjoy legislative success, given a particular juncture.

C'est en février 1663, que la Compagnie de la Nouvelle-France remis à LOUIS XIV le territoire de la Nouvelle-France. Elle donnait suite à sa demande de restitution exprimée par LOUIS XIV. Pour mémoire cette restitution mettait fin à la Charte de LOUIS XIII du 29 avril 1628. Par suite, c'est par une déclaration de mars 1663 que LOUIS XIV accepta de recevoir les droits de propriété, justice et seigneur de la Nouvelle-France. Sa volonté d'administrer directement le territoire et non par Charte est exprimée dans le corps de la déclaration. C'est dans cet esprit, qu'il transférera, en tant que de besoin au Canada, des institutions du Royaume, notamment celle de l'Intendant de Justice, Police et Finances. Cette orientation ne sera pas remise en cause par son successeur LOUIS XV ce, jusqu'en 1760. La présente thèse a pour finalité de décrire ou d'exposer, ce que fut la juridiction financière et économique de l'Intendant de 1663 à 1760 / It is in february 1663 that the Nouvelle-France company hands over to LOUIS XIV the Nouvelle-France territory. This followed-up the claim to secure the return of the territories expressed by LOUIS XIV. To remenber right, this retutn of the territories put an end to the charter of LOUIS XIII dated april 29th 1628. Consequently, it is by a statement of march 1663 that LOUIS XIV agreeds to acquire the freehold, justice and lord of Nouvelle-France. His intention to directly govern the territory is clearly indicated in the body of doctrines and not in the charter. It is in state of mind thathe will trandfer for the purpose in hands to Canada institutions of the kingdom, particulary those of justice, police and finance intendants. This way of thinking will not be called inio question by his heir to the throne LOUIS XV until 1760; This actual thesis purpose is to describe or expound what was the coming within the financial and economic jurisdiction of the intendant from 1663 to 1760

En el Perú existe un alto número de empresas familiares de primera generación las cuales no se encuentran preparadas para dar el siguiente paso, que es el de pasar a la segunda generación, por diversos motivos, siendo uno de los principales la falta de conocimiento respecto al impacto que tiene en su empresa el no realizar buenas prácticas empresariales definidas como un buen gobierno corporativo. Esto se vuelve una oportunidad dado que estas empresas familiares tienen un sólido crecimiento en el nivel de ventas, pero un bajo nivel de gestión de los diversos indicadores, por tanto, en esta investigación se tiene como objetivo determinar cómo impacta la implementación de indicadores de gestión en la generación de valor, con el fin de poder demostrar que esto genera un retorno para los inversionistas (familia). El estudio es de tipo descriptivo y se utilizó una empresa familiar peruana dedicada al rubro hospitalario con una sólida relación comercial con clientes y proveedores, pero con poco nivel de profesionalización en el control de sus indicadores y establecimiento de metas diferente al incremento de venta y margen bruto, para lo cual se ha planteado el desarrollado de indicadores de gestión que permitan generar un impacto en la generación de valor de la empresa, para lo cual se ha desarrollo un modelo financiero basado en el EVA (Valor económico agregado). / In Peru there is a high number of family’s companies of first quality which are not prepared to follow the next step that is to pass to the second generation by differentes reasons, for example, one of the principals is the lack of knowledge about the impact on the companies that do not perform good business practices which are defined like a good corporate governance. this become a good opportunity because this family’s companies have a stable growth in the sales levels but a low level of management of the differentes indicators, therefore, in this investigation the objective is defined how it impacts the implementation of management indicators in the generation of value to demonstrate that this generates a return for investors (families). The study is descriptive and used a Peruvian family business dedicated to the hospital sector with a solid commercial relationship with customers and suppliers, but with little professionalization level in the control of their indicators and setting different goals to increase sales and margin gross, for which the development of management indicators which generate an impact on the generation of value of the company has been raised, for which a financial model based on the EVA (Economic value added) has been developed. / Tesis

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo discutir a viabilidade de governos minoritários no presidencialismo brasileiro. Seu objeto de estudo é a formação do governo Collor, momento em que se compôs um gabinete minoritário, e hipótese aqui advogada é a de que o presidente agiu racionalmente ao realizar a opção minoritária. Essa noção é contra-intuitiva porque vai de encontro à tradicional concepção de presidencialismo de coalizão que informa a literatura política nacional. Todavia, uma breve apreciação do estado-da-arte sobre o sistema político brasileiro evidencia uma dinâmica específica das relações Executivo-Legislativo que não impede a existência e viabilidade de governos minoritários. A partir dessa percepção, constrói-se um modelo analítico cujas variáveis nos permitem desvendar o cálculo presidencial que levou Fernando Collor de Mello a constituir seu governo com ministérios apartidários. Por fim, retomam-se as relações entre aquele governo e o PMDB, na votação do Plano Collor, para demonstrar que governos sem base nominal majoritária conseguem lograr êxito parlamentar, dada a conjuntura anteriormente exposta. / This paper aims at discussing the survival of minority governments under Brazilian presidentialism, with its focus on the formation of the Collor government, when a minority cabinet was assembled. The hypothesis put forth in this study is that the president acted rationally in picking the minority option, however counter-intuitive it might seem, given that it is not supported by the traditional concept of coalition presidentialism around which most of our political literature was built. We thus need to shed light on the state-of-the-art of the Brazilian political system, which evidences some specific dynamics of Executive-Legislative relations permissible to the existence and viability of minority coalition governments. Following this notion, we built an analytical model whose variables allow us to unveil the presidential calculus that led President Collor de Mello into forming his cabinet with nonpartisan portfolio-holders. In the end, the relationship between that government and the PMDB during the voting of the Collor Plan is brought to light, in order to demonstrate that governments lacking nominal majoritarian support are able to enjoy legislative success, given a particular juncture.

This thesis analyzes the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918-1938) in terms of coalition behavior. It describes all aspects related to this phenomenon using the analytic and descriptive method. The work starts with the introduction to the coalition theory, including the typology of coalition governments and other theoretical aspects related to the coalition formation. Defining coalition factors in the First Republic are analyzed together with the description of the historical context, while stressing the national issues that largely affected creation of governments. The relation between the legislative and the executive power, the electoral system and the party system with the list of relevant parties are presented as other key factors related directly or indirectly to the coalition behavior. Political parties had decisive influence, that's why the group of their leaders called "The Five" was able to fade the importance of the parliament and the government during a certain period. On the other hand, there was also a great popularity and authority of T. G. Masaryk, the first Czechoslovak president. The main part of this thesis deals with the actual coalition behavior in years 1918-1938 and analyzes coalition formulas. The work describes the governments during the First Republic, their specifics, stability, and...

Esta tese constitui resultado de pesquisa a respeito da seguinte questão: as fórmulas constituintes em vigor são capazes de moldar a edição de medidas provisórias? No intuito de atingir esse propósito com garantia de originalidade, a pesquisa conduziu-se por duas linhas mestras: aferição das histórias institucional e conceitual da medida provisória e análise empírica de medidas provisórias. As histórias institucional e conceitual da medida provisória estão alocadas em dois capítulos, sendo o primeiro concebido de modo a prestigiar o texto original da Constituição Federal de 1988. Os debates constituintes indicam o porto seguro para análise do surgimento institucional da medida provisória, ao passo que a evolução conceitual foi apreendida através do prisma doutrinário daquele contexto, isto é, nos momentos antecedentes à Emenda Constitucional 32. O segundo capítulo estuda a medida provisória na atual redação constitucional, decorrente da Emenda Constitucional 32. A análise dos debates parlamentares travados durante essa reforma auxilia a descoberta do que se pretendia, em termos institucionais, com a mudança das regras inerentes à edição de medidas provisórias. O apoio doutrinário, devidamente contextualizado, foi utilizado na análise da evolução conceitual da medida provisória com base nas novas regras. O terceiro capítulo, destinado à aferição do impacto da medida provisória nos âmbitos de atuação da Presidência da República, do Congresso Nacional e do Supremo Tribunal Federal, ampara informações procedentes da exploração empírica de todo o universo de medidas provisórias editadas após a Emenda Constitucional 32, componentes de conjunto homogêneo cuja validade decorre do texto constitucional em vigor. O produto estatístico tem dúplice utilidade: aferição da sintonia doutrinária com a medida provisória, tal qual vem sendo utilizada desde a Emenda Constitucional 32, bem como suporte a uma postura acadêmica crítica e inovadora. O quarto capítulo contempla posicionamentos críticos orbitando o objeto central da tese. A análise empírica gerou ambiente seguro para avaliar se a Constituição Federal de 1988, após a Emenda Constitucional 32, é eficaz quanto à limitação do poder de edição de medida provisória. O estudo elucida a existência de considerável descompasso entre a evolução conceitual da medida provisória e o perfil desse instituto em sua utilização prática. Consequentemente, a abordagem teórico-constitucional, realizada através das lentes da análise empírico-estatística, ocasiona profundas reflexões a respeito dos dilemas atuais, favorecendo a idealização do perfil institucional para a medida provisória por vir. / This study is the result of research on the question: the constituent elements in force are able to shape the issuance of provisional laws? In order to achieve this purpose with the originality assurance, two main lines conducted the research: assessment of institutional and conceptual stories of the provisional law and empirical analysis of provisional law. The institutional and conceptual stories of the provisional law are presented in two chapters; the first one intends to honor the original text of the Brazilian Constitution of 1988. The constituent debates are the safe harbor for analysis the institutional emergence of the provisional law, while the doctrinaire perspective seized the conceptual evolution, that is, the preceding moments to Constitutional Amendment 32. The second chapter studies the provisional law in the current constitutional text as a result of the Constitutional Amendment 32. The analysis of the parliamentary debates that took place during this reform assist the understanding what was intended, in institutional terms, with the change of the rules related to the edition of provisional laws. The doctrine support, properly contextualized, was used in the analysis of the conceptual evolutions of the provisional laws, in accordance with the new rules. The third chapter, which presents the impact of the provisional law in the work of the Presidency, the Congress and the Supreme Court, sustain information of empirical exploration of the all provisional law edited after the Constitutional Amendment 32, homogeneous set of components which validity derive from the Constitution in force. The statistical product has dual utility: measurement of doctrinal line with the provisional law, as it has been used since the Constitutional Amendment 32 and as support of a critical and innovative academic position. The fourth chapter includes critical positions regarding the central subject of the thesis. The empirical analysis created a safe environment to evaluate whether the Federal Constitution of 1988, after the Constitutional Amendment 32, is effective for the limitation of the power to edit a provisional law. The study enlighten that there is a considerable disparity between the conceptual evolution of the provisional law and its practical use. Therefore, the theoretical and constitutional approach, examined through empirical-statistical lens, creates profound reflections on the current dilemmas, favoring the idealizations of as institutional profile of the provisional law to come.

O Brasil vem atravessando um dos momentos mais conturbados de sua história. Um país fragilizado, dividido e sem um consenso acerca da necessidade urgente de reformas estruturais de base, em especial, acerca do modo como vêm dispostos internamente os seus órgãos políticos de Estado. As instituições estão dispostas irracionalmente e sem coerência, permitindo a indevida cumulação (fusão) das funções de chefia de Estado, de chefia de governo e de gestão da Administração Pública em mãos de uma Presidência da República. Tratam-se de funções com finalidades, princípios e protocolos de trabalho complemente diversos, não podendo jamais serem cumuladas da forma como se encontram. A separação Estado, governo e Administração Pública é, portanto, medida que se impõe e a única saída possível para dotar o país da estabilidade e do consensus necessários para vencer as suas violentas crises. / Brazil has been going through one of the most troubled times in its history. A fragile and divided country without a consensus for basic structural reforms that are greatly needed, or rather, the way in which its political organs of state are internally disposed. Institutions are disposed irrationally and without coherence, allowing Presidency of the Republic office cumulates the functions of head of state, head of government and management of public administration. These are functions with completely different purposes, principles and protocols of work, which cannot be cumulated under one office. The separation of State, Government and Public Administration is therefore a necessary measure and the only possible way out to give the country the stability and consensus needed to overcome its violent crises.