Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1940. / Cover title. Vita. Thesis note on cover and on slip attached to t.p. Published also without thesis note. This issue is identical with the original issue except for different cover, and "Vita" on leaf inserted at end. Bibliography: p. [311]-325.

Th. Ph. D.--Institute of historical research--University of London, 1950. / Adresse et mention de collection translittérées du grec. Bibliogr. p. 279-292. Index.

En déclinant la sémantique du mot latin « medium », nous remarquons la présence de certaines caractéristiques de la littérature italienne rédigée par les auteures d’origine balkanique. La thèse qui s’intitule « Écrivaines italiennes de la migration balkanique », est un travail qui se sert d’outils propres, tant à la littérature et à la linguistique qu’à la géographie humaine. Le but de la thèse étant d’analyser le corpus intégral des écrivaines de récits ou de romans en langue italienne, arrivées en Italie suite à la vague migratoire des années Quatre-vingt-dix en provenance de la Péninsule balkanique. De ce fait, « médiane » est la position géopolitique de la région, entre la « terre promise » européenne et l’« Orient », deux mythes créés par l’Occident colonisateur ; ces écrivaines « subalternes » revêtent ainsi le rôle de « médiatrices » qui, après avoir reconstruit leur identité singulière dans un ouvrage autobiographique, se font porte-paroles d’instances collectives, en employant une prose de genre réaliste ; pour finir, l’idiome italien est le « moyen » choisi pour formuler une littérature désormais mature qui, dans certains cas, donne lieu à des motifs inattendus d’empreinte fantastico-surréelle. / As we inflect the semantics of the Latin noun "medium", we feel we unearth some of the characteristics of Italian literature as female writers from the Balkans compiled it. The thesis, titled Italian female writers from the Balkan migration, is a work that exploits devices borrowed from literature, linguistics and human geography alike, aiming at analysing the complete corpus of authors of short stories and novels in Italian who arrived to Italy following the migration wave that swept the Balkan peninsula in the nineties. "Median" is the geopolitical position of the region, sitting between the European "promised land" and the "East", both myths created by the colonising West; "mediator" is the role of these "subordinate" writers who, having reconstructed an individual identity in their autobiographic works, herald collective messages through a realist prose; lastly, the "medium" is the Italian language chosen to formulate a literature that can sometimes bring to life unexpected fantastic and surrealistic motifs. / Declinando la semantica del sostantivo latino “medium”, ci sembra di scovare alcune delle caratteristiche della letteratura italiana redatta da scrittrici d’origine balcanica. La tesi dal titolo Scrittrici italiane della migrazione balcanica è un lavoro che si serve degli strumenti propri tanto alla letteratura e alla linguistica che alla geografia umana, al fine di analizzare il corpus completo delle autrici di racconti brevi o romanzi in lingua italiana, giunte in Italia al seguito di quell’ondata emigratoria che negli anni Novanta scosse la Penisola balcanica. “Mediana” è la posizione geopolitica della regione, a cavallo tra la “terra promessa” europea e l’“Oriente”, miti entrambi creati dall’Occidente colonizzatore; “mediatore” è il ruolo di quelle scrittrici “subalterne” che, dopo aver ricostruito un’identità singolare nell’opera autobiografica, si fanno portavoce d’istanze collettive servendosi di una prosa di genere realista; “mezzo”, infine, è l’idioma italiano scelto per formulare una letteratura matura che può dar luogo, in alcuni casi, ad inattese tinte fantastico-surrealiste.

L’objectif de cette recherche est d’étudier la représentation des Balkans. Dans les années 1990 plusieurs stéréotypes négatifs autour de la région ont été réactivés à l’occasion des guerres en ancienne Yougoslavie. De nombreux chercheurs les ont critiqués sévèrement en défendant la possibilité d’étudier la région en termes objectifs et moins connotés. Une donnée pas souvent prise en compte par les chercheurs a été la corrélation excessive entre les Balkans et la Yougoslavie (le fonctionnement fréquent du premier terme en tant que synonyme du deuxième) à travers les discussions publiques de la région (ex. les médias). La thèse vise à vérifier l’hypothèse des mutations importantes concernant les manières de comprendre la région comme un ensemble au cours de l’après la guerre froide. D’une part, il s’agit de la difficulté des scientifiques de comprendre la région au-delà de l’ancienne Yougoslavie ou celle de définir son caractère particulier. D’autre part, il s’agit de l’apparition et la réémergence des termes tels Balkans occidentaux et Europe du sud-est, ce qui indique la probabilité de nouvelles catégorisations du savoir circulant autour de la région. Afin de vérifier cette hypothèse, une analyse des discours politiques et médiatiques est proposée à travers quatre quotidiens de référence (Le Monde, The Guardian, The New York Times et Eleutherotypia en Grèce) et une organisation internationale, le Pacte de Stabilité pour l’Europe du sud-est dans la période entre 1999 et 2008. Les données de cette analyse signalent une grande difficulté de traiter les réalités des pays de la région en commun ou indépendamment de l’expérience de l’ancienne Yougoslavie. D’autres recherches devront mesurer si le terme Balkans est progressivement destiné à la discussion de l’histoire troublée de la région et non pas de son actualité. / The main objective of this research is the study of the representation of the Balkans. During the 1990s many negative stereotypes regarding the region were reactivated in the light of the wars in former Yugoslavia. Numerous researchers criticized them harshly and defended the possibility to study the region in an objective as well as less connoted manner. An element frequently underestimated by the research has been the excessive correlation between the Balkans and Yugoslavia (the frequent use of the first term as a synonym for the latter) in public discussions of the region (for instance in the media). This thesis aims to verify the hypothesis of important mutations regarding the ways in which the region is understood as a whole in the course of the post cold war era. On the one hand, it deals with the difficulty of the researchers to understand the region regardless of former Yugoslavia and the difficulty to define its particular character. On the other hand, it deals with the reappearance of the terms Western Balkans and South-Eastern Europe, which indicates the probability of new categorizations of the knowledge pertaining to the region. The verification of this hypothesis is tested by means of a discourse analysis through four newspapers of reference (Le Monde, The Guardian, The New York Times and Eleytherotypia in Greece) and an international organization, The Stability Pact for South- Eastern Europe during the period between 1999 and 2008. The results of this analysis indicate the great difficulty in approaching the realities of the countries of the region collectively or independently from the experience of former Yugoslavia. Further research must measure whether the term Balkans is progressively destined for the discussion of the troubled past of the region and not its actuality.

Afin de circonscrire l'objet de recherche proposée, quelques éclaircissements sur les confins historiques et géographiques du sujet étudié sont nécessaires.Du point de vue historique, la période concernée commence à la fin des années 80, avec la chute du communisme, qui est pratiquement le moment à partir duquel est posée la question de la réintégration européenne des États de la région. Cependant, il conviendra de faire quelques investigations dans l'histoire du 20ème siècle, voire même auparavant, afin de comprendre certaines caractéristiques de la région. Par exemple, la problématique du Kosovo ne peut être comprise sans connaître son passé et la valeur symbolique de cette région considérée par les Serbes comme leur berceau historique.Du point de vue géographique, la carte politique des Balkans est controversée. Toutefois, si l’on considère le Danube comme la limite nordique de la région, certains pays ont leur territoire tout entier inclus dans la région balkanique (cas de l'Albanie, la Bosnie-Herzégovine, la Bulgarie, la Macédoine, le Monténégro, la Grèce). Mais, il y en a d’autres dont le territoire - soit en entier, soit une partie - se trouve au nord du Danube (tels la Croatie, la Roumanie, la Serbie, la Slovénie) ou même en dehors de l’Europe (la Turquie). Pour délimiter plus clairement les pays qui feront l’objet de cette recherche, on utilisera comme critère de démarcation l'histoire de l'intégration européenne des vingt dernières années. Ainsi la Grèce, bien que membre de l’UE depuis 1989, fera-t-elle aussi l’objet de cette recherche du fait de la pertinence, pour la future politique de conditionnalité, du cas de suspension de l’accord, décidée par la CEE à l’époque du Régime des Colonels. Dans ces conditions, les pays concernés de façon collatérale par cette recherche recouvrent toutes les étapes possibles de l’intégration :- des Etats qui sont déjà membres de l’UE, tels la Slovénie (depuis 2004), la Bulgarie et la Roumanie (depuis 2007) et la Croatie (à partir de 2013);- des Etats auxquels l’UE a accordé le statut officiel d’Etat-candidat, tels la Macédoine, le Monténégro, la Turquie et la Serbie;- des Etats bénéficiant du statut d’Etat-candidat potentiel, tels l’Albanie, la Bosnie-Herzégovine, le Kosovo / N order to circumscribe the proposed research, some clarification of the historical and geographical boundaries of the subject is needed.From the historical point of view, the period begins in the late 1980s, with the fall of communism, which is practically the moment from which the question of the European reintegration of the States of the region is asked. However, it will be necessary to make some investigations in the history of the 20th century, and even before, in order to understand certain characteristics of the region. For example, the problem of Kosovo can not be understood without knowing its past and the symbolic value of this region considered by the Serbs as their historical cradle. From a geographical point of view, the political map of the Balkans is controversial. However, if one considers the Danube as the northern boundary of the region, some countries have their entire territory included in the Balkan region (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Montenegro, Greece). But there are others whose territory - either in their entirety or part - lies in the northern part of the Danube (such as Croatia, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia) or even outside Europe ( Turkey). To demarcate more clearly the countries that will be the subject of this research, the history of European integration over the last twenty years will be used as a demarcation criterion. Thus Greece, although a member of the EU since 1989, will also be the subject of this research because of the relevance for the future conditionality policy of the suspension of the agreement, decided by EEC at the time of the Regime of Colonels. Under these conditions, the countries concerned in a collateral fashion by this research cover all possible stages of integration:- States which are already members of the EU, such as Slovenia (since 2004), Bulgaria and Romania (since 2007) and Croatia (from 2013);- States to which the EU has granted the official status of candidate state, such as Macedonia, Montenegro, Turkey and Serbia;- States enjoying the status of potential candidate states, such as Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo

Thesis deals with the issue of the conceptualization, analysis and understanding of the Balkans after 1991 as a specific geopolitical area in order to examine the proclivity of the region towards conflicts and give general idea of the geopolitical position of the Balkans in local and global context. First, the definition of the Balkans and its borders in physic and politico geographical structure along with the historical definitions and geopolitical position settings and significance prior 1991 are tackled. Then follows the application of the geopolitical theories and concepts on the geopolitical map with the states of the Balkans after 1991 in order to conceptualize the area and thus having a framework for examination and comparison of the territorial changes and geopolitical events that occurred in this historical period as well as for better understanding of strategic significance of internal and external geopolitical position of the Balkans. As a third step follows the explanation and outline of the greater territorial irredentist and geopolitical concepts of the Balkan nation states which have been revived and actualized in the period after 1991 serving as a background and basic platform for their geopolitical agenda. Lastly, the thesis tackles the territorial changes that came as a result of...

Avec la venue du web 2.0 et de la généralisation de l'usage de l'internet, une nouvelle tranche de la population s'immisce dans les usages de l'histoire. Partant du cas du Kosovo dans l'encyclopédie Wikipédia , il est possible d'observer comment l'usage des nouveaux médias contribue à la construction de la perception et de la représentation des récits nationaux. Quels sont les effets d'une participation par la population générale sur les représentations des nouvelles nations? L'encyclopédie Wikipédia est un symbole du web 2.0 et le Kosovo un exemple de cheminement national actuel avec la proclamation d'indépendance du 17 février 2008. Ceci est sans compter tout le passé récent des Balkans. Cette étude permet d'affirmer que les nouveaux médias de communication ne changent pas la manière d'élaborer les récits nationaux et que l'accroissement de la participation s'inscrit encore dans les théories actuelles dominantes de l'historiographie de ce sujet. Par contre, le web devient essentiel et une vitrine incontournable dans le portrait médiatique actuel pour transmettre ces messages et ainsi influencer la perception des internautes sur la validité ou non d'une indépendance.

Much of the scholarship on Europeanization has explained eastern enlargement according to the logics of materialism or constructivism. Materialists argue that candidates' compliance with conditionality demands is rooted in strong external material incentives and a credible shot at membership, while constructivists point to shared identities, norms and values. These are valuable insights, yet they do not address a critical missing element - how the dispersion of ideas influences institutional outcomes in candidate states. This research demonstrates that in order for the EU to have a transformative impact on the political institutions of the states of former Yugoslavia, national political leaders must be able to communicate a satisfying narrative of EU legitimacy that resonates with national narratives of legitimacy when justifying policy choices. The project goes beyond an analysis of compliant/non-compliant behavior to unearth a greater understanding of how, at the hour of accession, elite discourse operates as an agent to reshape histories, form new identities, and mold preferences. Together these processes have profound policy implications for the new regimes, as they lead to decisions that are consequential for institutional development at both the EU and state level. In particular, using a combination of content analysis and an original elite survey, this research finds that elites' ability to express power through ideas and over ideas can transform power in ideas for the cases of Croatia and Serbia/Kosovo. For Croatia, this entails elites creating conditions whereby the public believes in the idea that EU membership represents an 'escape' from the Balkans as opposed to a 'return' to Europe. For Serbia/Kosovo, elites strive to convince citizens that EU membership signifies a 're-branding' of the Balkan image rather than an escape. The Serbia-Kosovo territorial dispute figures prominently in the picture as it pits new ideas - a re-branded 'European' Serbia - against old ideas wherein the Kosovo narrative is essential to Serbian national identity. Serbian elites work to persuade EU and national publics that these ideas are not in tension and promise to deliver on both - attain EU membership and keep Kosovo.

Thesis advisor: Kathleen Bailey / Although the Croatian and Bosnian wars of the early 1990s were brought to a peaceful conclusion over ten years ago, they remain pertinent events today both for the study of political science and future attempts at global conflict resolution. While they are often characterized as ethnic conflicts, this study poses the question of whether a conflict can ever truly be ethnic in the sense that the sole motivation for violence is ethnic hatred rather than strategic considerations. This question brings the motivations for violence in the Yugoslav case into question. This project explores relevant literature on contemporary theories of ethnic conflict and surveys events in the region from the arrival of the Slavic people to the Balkans in the sixth century to occurrences as recent as 2006. The conflicts are viewed in terms of more general views about conflict prevention and resolution as well as being more specifically applied to the current conflict in Iraq. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

<p>The general aim of this paper is to describe how the European Union can affect and transfer their conditionality politics to the Western Balkan countries. A specific purpose of this study is to describe and explain what we in this paper consider to be a specific additional membership criterion, regional cooperation that has been especially designed for this region. The point of departure for this paper is Europeanization theory that will be used to study the European Union’s impact on non EU-members in Europe. The theoretical Europeanization mechanisms are taken from Heather Grabbes “Europeanization model”. A descriptive case study method together with a theory consuming method will be used. After the wars in former Yugoslavia the now independent countries started in their own pace to move closer the European Union. The problems the individual countries faced in the beginning of the 21^st century were much a consequence of the war. This lead the European Union to establish a special political and economical regional framework, where regional cooperation was emphasized. Regional cooperation developed into one of the most important elements in the EU´s relation with the countries and is made a specific requirement under the Stabilization- and association process. Implications this paper makes are that regional cooperation can be considered as a specific requirement the EU use in the Western Balkan countries membership process and that EU have a series of “influencing tools” which works to promote regional cooperation in the Western Balkans.</p><!--EndFragment-->