L'intégration européenne occasionne de multiples dilemmes pour les organisations syndicales, habitués à exercer leurs répertoires d'action dans un espace d'État-nation. Parmi les dilemmes spécifiquement liés à la gouvernance multiniveaux européenne, nous comptons la mobilité de la main-d'œuvre et la création d'un marché unique pour les services. Cette thèse examine les stratégies des organisations syndicales danoises et suédoises de trois secteurs pour s'attaquer à ces deux dilemmes. Des approches néo-institutionnalistes, notamment celle concernant les « variétés du capitalisme », s'attendraient à des réponses relativement uniformes, axées sur les fortes complémentarités institutionnelles nationales, tenant compte de la nature coordonnée des relations industrielles scandinaves. Notre thèse confirme que les institutions nationales jouent un rôle important pour atténuer les impacts de l'intégration économique, au fur et à mesure que l'intégration progresse. L'analyse de nos cas, basée sur plus de soixante entretiens semi-dirigés effectués en Europe, nous permet cependant d'affirmer un rôle également important pour des facteurs endogènes, notamment l'entrepreneuriat institutionnel et les capacités stratégiques. / European integration induces multiple dilemmas for trade unions whose repertories of action are normally limited to the scope of the nation state. Free movement of workers and the establishment of a common market for services are among said dilemmas that surface specifically in the context of European multilevel governance of industrial relations. This doctoral thesis examines trade union strategies in Denmark and Sweden in three sectors that address these two dilemmas. Neo-institutionalism, specifically “varieties of capitalism” literature, suggests that responses should be relatively uniform, centred around strong institutional complementarities on the national level, because of the strongly coordinated nature of the Nordic economies and industrial relations model. Our thesis confirms that national institutions play an important role in order to mitigate pressures of economic integration, in the long run. However, based on over sixty semi-structured interviews in Europe, our cases also ascertain an important role for endogenous factors, such as institutional entrepreneurship and strategic capabilities.

In the 1960s, a large number of World Councils were founded in a number of industrial branches. One of the most recognized World Councils was established in the multinational glass manufacturer Compagnie de Saint-Gobain in 1969, in connection to an international trade union action against the company. The purpose of this study is to investigate and understand the origin and character of this World Council and international action. The study places great emphasis on the American participation in the Saint-Gobain World Council and the international action, but explores, in addition, the work and function of the World Council, the international action’s outcome in terms of wages and working conditions, the so-called vertical implementation of the trade union action, i.e. the integration of several trade union-organizational levels in a single action, as well as the wider contexts beyond the purely economic to which the World Council and the action can be linked. An essential point of departure is retrieved from the historical materialist tradition in order to understand the conflicts of interests and the ability to realize interests on the labor market, in the production, and within politics. An in-depth discussion on the structuring of overt conflicts and international trade union actions is undertaken based on four specific theories that are based on the assumption that trade unions and employers are rational actors. The survey consists of three main parts. The first empirical section identifies the action itself—its parties, origins, course of events, and aftermath. The second empirical section interprets the parties’ perspectives and interests in the long run. The third, and final empirical section examines the structural conditions in the United States for conflictual sentiments and international action. The study provides new perspectives on the structural background to the American union’s mobilization and international strategies. It also helps to explain why the World Councils were short-lived and, in the end, did not meet the high expectations placed on them. At the same time, the study displays the main achievements and shortcomings of the international campaign against Saint-Gobain and the postwar political context to which the action can be linked.

Den 25e maj 2018 träder den nya dataskyddsförordningen, GDPR, i kraft. I och med detta kommer alla medlemsstater i den europeiska unionen få en gemensam lag som skärper tidigare regler och ställer högre krav på organisationers personuppgiftsbehandling. Syftet med detta arbete har varit att undersöka och kartlägga hur verksamheter som behandlar känsliga personuppgifter anser sig bli påverkade av GDPR, samt hur de arbetar för att uppfylla kraven från denna nya förordning. Känsliga personuppgifter är sådana som exempelvis avslöjar en persons sexuella läggning, politiska åsikt, religiösa övertygelse eller fackliga tillhörighet och för att uppfylla syftet utfördes därför en fallstudie på sex stycken fackförbund av olika storlek. Datainsamlingen gjordes med hjälp av intervjuer med en person från varje förbund som har god insikt och överblick över organisationens GDPR-arbete. Resultaten från studien visar att fackförbunden anser att den nya dataskyddsförordningen är komplex och svårtolkad men att den ändå medför positiva konsekvenser för både organisationen och medlemmarna. Alla personuppgifter som fackförbunden hanterar faller direkt under känsliga personuppgifter eftersom de kan härledas till facklig tillhörighet, och detta gör att förbunden anser sig ställas inför högre krav på informationssäkerhet i jämförelse med många andra verksamheter. Bland annat möter de stora utmaningar i hur de skall kunna kommunicera med sina medlemmar i framtiden eftersom missbruksregeln försvinner och även ostrukturerat material inkluderas i den nya dataskyddsförordningen. Det går inte att säga generellt vilka åtgärder förbunden vidtagit för att förbereda sig inför de nya kraven från GDPR men det är tydligt att både tekniska och administrativa säkerhetsåtgärder behövs. Exempelvis uppgraderar många av förbunden sina IT-system och upphandlar helt nya ärendehanteringssystem, samtidigt som de dessutom inför rutiner för gallring och för hantering av personuppgiftsincidenter. / On 25 May 2018, the new data protection regulation, GDPR, will come into effect. With this, all members of the European Union will have a common law that sharpens previous rules and puts higher demands on organisations' personal data processing. The purpose of this study has been to investigate and map how businesses dealing with sensitive personal data consider themselves being affected by GDPR, and how they work to meet the requirements of this new regulations. Sensitive personal data are what for example reveals a person's sexual orientation, political opinion, religious conviction or union affiliation and therefore, to fulfil the purpose, a case study with six trade unions of different sizes was performed. The data collection was made with help of interviews with one person from each trade union, who has good insight and overview over the organisation's work with the GDPR. The results from the study show that the trade unions find the new data protection regulation to be complex and hard to interpret but that it nevertheless causes positive consequences for both the organisation and the members. All personal data that the trade unions handle fall directly under sensitive personal data since they may be derived to union affiliation and this leads to where the trade unions considering themselves facing higher demands on information security in comparison to many other businesses. Among other things, they face major challenges in how they are going to communicate with their members in the future, as even unstructured material is included in the new data protection regulation.  It's not possible to say in general what actions the unions have taken to prepare for the new requirements of the GDPR, but it's clear that both technical and administrative safety actions are needed. For example, many of the unions are upgrading their IT systems or purchasing brand new case management systems while also introducing new routines for clearing of data and for management of personal data incidents.

République du Congo, l’armée, en tant qu’ensemble de structures et de moyens militaires institutionnellement affectés à la mise en œuvre de la politique décidée par les autorités politiques pour assurer et garantir la défense nationale, est loin d’être l’auteur exclusif des coups d’Etat, même si, systématiquement, elle profite des conséquences politiques attachées à ceux-ci. En réalité, les coups d’Etat y sont la résultante d’une lutte entre plusieurs champs. Dans cette lutte, les acteurs des coups d’Etat, en fonction de leurs corpus idéologiques respectifs, mettent en place des stratégies dont la particularité n’est pas de se limiter au champ bureaucratique mais d’engager également la société appréhendée au regard de leurs groupes ethniques ou régionaux d’appartenance. Ainsi, mobilisent-ils, non seulement leurs propres capitaux (diplômes, profession), mais aussi les ressources de leurs groupes ethniques ou régionaux en vue de réaliser la conquête ou la conservation du pouvoir. Par le jeu complexe des solidarités idéologiques, ethniques ou corporatistes, les acteurs politiques tissent des alliances et, selon le cas, participent ou s’opposent à l’exécution des coups d’Etat. Sous ce rapport, les coups d’Etat, qui supposent une importante mobilisation stratégique, politique et matérielle de la part de ceux qui en forment le projet, se confondent à un mode de conquête du pouvoir assimilable formellement à l’élection, et s’inscrivent dans ce que Marcel Mauss nomme les faits sociaux totaux. Les leaders politiques appartenant aux ethnies minoritaires, ne pouvant accéder au pouvoir par voie démocratique, élaborent une stratégie de conquête de pouvoir prenant appui sur l’armée. Ainsi, détournée de sa mission traditionnelle de protection du territoire national face aux agressions extérieures, l’armée voit sa valeur opérationnelle diminuée. / In Republic of Congo, the army, as a whole of structures and average soldiers institutionally assigned to the implementation of the policy decided by the political authorities to ensure and guarantee national defense, is far from being the exclusive author of the coups d'etat, even if, systematically, it benefits from the political consequences attached to those. Actually, the coups d'etat are there the resultant of a fight between several fields. In this fight, the actors of the coups d'etat, according to their respective ideological corpora, set up strategies whose characteristic is not to limit themselves to the bureaucratic field but to also engage the company apprehended taking into consideration their ethnic or regional group of membership. Thus, they mobilize, not only their own capital (diplomas, profession), but also resources of their ethnic or regional groups in order to carry out the conquest or the conservation of the power. By the complex play of ideological solidarity, ethnic or corporatists, the political actors weave alliances and, according to the case, take part or are opposed to the execution of the coups d'etat. Under this report, the coups d'etat, which suppose an important strategic mobilization, political and material on behalf of those which form the project of it, merge with a mode of conquest of the power comparable formally to the election, and fit in what Marcel Mauss names the total social facts. The political leaders belonging to the minority ethnic groups, not being able to reach the power by democratic way, work out a strategy of conquest of fascinating power support on the army. Thus, diverted its traditional mission of protection of the national territory vis-a-vis the external aggressions, the army sees its decreased operational value.

In the Spanish legal system, the workplace employee representation but may have certain similarities with the political representation (regulatory origin, not voluntary for the principal, democratic legitimacy) poses a specificity both the subjective perspective, to be circumscribed workers who make up the constituency, as a material arises as to represent the professional interests shared by a community of individuals united by an identical legal relationship derived from belonging to the same company. Its uniqueness is that this function can be assumed, concurrently, for two types: some representatives of elective basis; others, union base. This legal decision set a pluralistic model of subjects, but strongly interconnected functional dimension, due to differing legal natures. / En el ordenamiento jurídico español, el modelo de representación de los trabajadores en la empresa aunque pueda tener ciertas similitudes con la representación política (origen normativo y no voluntario para el representado, legitimidad democrática) plantea una especificidad tanto desde la perspectiva subjetiva, al quedar circunscrita a los trabajadores que conforman la circunscripción electoral, como material pues surge para la representación de los intereses profesionales compartidos por una colectividad de sujetos unidos por una idéntica vinculación jurídica, derivada de la pertenencia a la misma plantilla. Su singularidad es que esta función puede ser asumida, de manera concurrente, por dos tipos de sujetos: unos representantes de base electiva; otros, de base sindical, configurando con esta decisión legal un modelo pluralista de sujetos que, aunque fuertemente interconectado en su dimensión funcional, obedece a naturalezas jurídicas distintas.

Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Este trabalho busca analisar a nova dinâmica do processo de integração no Mercosul, caracterizada pelo tratamento de temas sociais como direitos humanos, meio ambiente, saúde e educação, indicando o avanço de uma agenda social de integração que rompe com a tradição comercialista do bloco. O avanço de governos progressistas nos países membros contribuiu para essa nova lógica integradora, tendo estimulado também o aumento dos mecanismos de participação social, abrindo espaço para uma maior presença de atores sociais nas discussões relativas à integração. É objetivo da pesquisa avaliar qual é a efetiva influência desses novos atores no Mercosul, questionando-se a possível existência de uma esfera pública transnacional. Para chegar a uma resposta, o trabalho recorre a variáveis e conceitos como déficit democrático, transparência, representatividade e faz um estudo específico das características e dos meios de articulação de duas categorias sociais no bloco: as centrais sindicais e os empresários. / This work aims to analyze the new dynamic of the integration process in Mercosur, characterized by dealing with social issues such as human rights, environment, health and education, what indicates the progress of a social agenda of integration that surpasses the commercial tradition of the arrangement. The rise of left oriented governments in the members helped the settlement of that new integration logic, stimulating, as well, new mechanisms of social participation, opening room for a wider presence of social actors in the debates related to integration. This research aims to measure what is the effective influence of those new actors in Mercosur, arguing the possible existence of a transnational public sphere. To reach an answer, this work deals with variables and concepts like democratic deficit, transparence, representativeness and specifically studies the characteristics and means of articulation of two social categories of the arrangement: trade union federations and businessmen.

Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Este trabalho busca analisar a nova dinâmica do processo de integração no Mercosul, caracterizada pelo tratamento de temas sociais como direitos humanos, meio ambiente, saúde e educação, indicando o avanço de uma agenda social de integração que rompe com a tradição comercialista do bloco. O avanço de governos progressistas nos países membros contribuiu para essa nova lógica integradora, tendo estimulado também o aumento dos mecanismos de participação social, abrindo espaço para uma maior presença de atores sociais nas discussões relativas à integração. É objetivo da pesquisa avaliar qual é a efetiva influência desses novos atores no Mercosul, questionando-se a possível existência de uma esfera pública transnacional. Para chegar a uma resposta, o trabalho recorre a variáveis e conceitos como déficit democrático, transparência, representatividade e faz um estudo específico das características e dos meios de articulação de duas categorias sociais no bloco: as centrais sindicais e os empresários. / This work aims to analyze the new dynamic of the integration process in Mercosur, characterized by dealing with social issues such as human rights, environment, health and education, what indicates the progress of a social agenda of integration that surpasses the commercial tradition of the arrangement. The rise of left oriented governments in the members helped the settlement of that new integration logic, stimulating, as well, new mechanisms of social participation, opening room for a wider presence of social actors in the debates related to integration. This research aims to measure what is the effective influence of those new actors in Mercosur, arguing the possible existence of a transnational public sphere. To reach an answer, this work deals with variables and concepts like democratic deficit, transparence, representativeness and specifically studies the characteristics and means of articulation of two social categories of the arrangement: trade union federations and businessmen.

Esta tese analisa a relação entre os jornalistas e o Sindicato dos jornalistas Profissionais no Estado de São Paulo, tendo como base empírica pesquisa realizada junto à categoria e os mais de trinta anos de experiência do autor no movimento sindical. O trabalho investiga as raízes do distanciamento entre os profissionais e a entidade, fenômeno que vem se agravando paulatinamente desde os anos 1980. Discute se tal distanciamento constitui declínio ou crise, conceitos abordados na obra de Leôncio Martins Rodrigues (1999) para analisar a realidade atual do movimento sindical global e brasileiro, marcado pela queda das taxas de sindicalização. Declínio como o caminhar rumo ao fim e crise como recuo, mas que contém em si a esperança e a possibilidade de superação a partir da capacidade crítica e da emergência de novas e criativas perspectivas, estratégias e apostas políticas, em contextos sociais complexos, mutantes e diversos. O autor dialoga com o pensamento de Henri Lefebvre (1981; 2006) e sua análise crítica da realidade e dos conflitos sociais e políticos que a marcam. Analisa as principais mudanças na imprensa e no jornalismo, no mundo e no Brasil. Entre essas, ressalta a questão da despolitização presente tanto no conteúdo da produção jornalística como nas gerações pós-anos 1970, que passaram a integrar a nova base social da categoria, marcada pela juvenilização combinada à crescente precarização das condições de trabalho. Em termos das relações de trabalho, a flexibilização e a reorganização produtiva que tomaram conta do mundo nas últimas décadas tiveram uma impacto particular entre os jornalistas, fenômeno que o autor analisa em especial no caso exemplar do Projeto Folha, e os reflexos desses processos sobre os jornalistas, assim como no seu relacionamento com o Sindicato. A tese apresenta em largos traços, de forma descritiva, o que é o Sindicato dos Jornalistas Profissionais no Estado de São Paulo e suas principais iniciativas e atividades. Com base nos dados e nos depoimentos recolhidos das respostas do questionário, esboça o perfil do jornalista profissional de São Paulo e realiza a análise de conteúdo dos depoimentos. Para esta análise foi feita uma adaptação da metodologia proposta por Laurence Bardin (2010). O desenvolvimento da tese aponta para novas questões a serem aprofundadas em futuras pesquisas acadêmicas e vem contribuir para problematizar a organização de uma categoria fundamental para o fortalecimento da democracia brasileira. / This thesis investigates the relationship between journalists and the Professional Union of Journalists in São Paulo State based on empirical data and research conducted by the author who has more than 30 years of experience in the union movement. This piece examines the roots of distancing between the professional and the entity, a phenomenon that has slowly worsened since the 1980\'s. It has been pondered over whether this distance constitutes a decline or crisis, in concepts touched on in the work of Leôncio Martins Rodrigues (1999) to analyze the current global and Brazilian reality of the union movement, marked by the fall of the union taxes. Decline as a walk towards the end and crisis as a retreat, containing in itself the hope and possibility of bypassing from a critical capacity and the emergence of new and creative perspectives, strategies and political evils, in complex social contexts, changing and diverse. The author sees through the thinking of Henri Lefebvre (1981; 2006) and his critical analysis of reality coupled with social and political conflicts. He analyses the main changes in press and journalism, in the world and in Brazil. Amid these, he underlines the question of the de-politicization present in the contents of journalistic production as well as in the generations after the 1970\'s which turned to integrating the new social base of the workers, marked by renovation allied to the increasing precariousness of working conditions. In terms of working relations, the flexibility and the productive reorganization that engulfed the world in the last decade had a particular impact among journalists, a phenomenon which the author particularly examines with the exemplar case of the Folha Project, and the consequences of these processes in relation to the journalists, as well as in their ties with the union. The thesis presents in a wide portrait, a descriptive way of what is the Professional Union of Journalists in São Paulo State and their main initiatives and activities. Based on data and on respondents\' contribution, it outlines the profile of the professional journalist in São Paulo State and analyses the contents from the questionnaires. For this analysis an adaptation of the methodology proposed by Laurence Bardin (2010) was made. The development of this thesis points out new questions to be deepened in future academic research and contributes to discussion on the organization of a fundamental category to the strengthening of Brazilian democracy.

Esta tese historia a implantação e o desenvolvimento do Parque Industrial da Zona Sul de São Paulo, no que tange as indústrias metalúrgicas, a luta dos trabalhadores metalúrgicos desde o regime militar até o ano 2000. Historia a organização do movimento sindical nas fábricas, as diversas correntes sindicais existentes, os problemas enfrentados. e a atuação do Sindicato. As vitórias e derrotas, e as contradições existentes no seio da categoria e o a transformação do seu Sindicato de pelego agente aberto do capital. A história do Parque Industrial é reconstituída desde o processo de criação da infra-estrutura, na década de 1920, quando Santo Amaro ainda era Município e historia a luta sindical dos metalúrgicos da Região desenvolvida entre 1974 a 2000. O fio condutor é a luta entre o Trabalho e o Capital. / This thesis investigates the establishment and the development of the industrial park of the southern area in São Paulo city, focusing on metallurgy industries, the metallurgists\' struggles dating from the military regime up to the year 2000. It analyses the organization of the unionized movement inside the industrial plants, its different existing streams, the problems it faced and the Trade Union\'s performance. It also analyses the conquests and weaknesses, the existing contradictions inside this unionized group and the transformation of a stool-pigeon Trade Union into an open agent of capital. The history of this industrial park is described since the very beginning of its substructure in the 1920s, when Santo Amaro was still a town. The metallurgists\' unionized struggle is investigated from 1974 to 2000. The main interest is centered on the dispute between Labor and Capital.

This thesis is engaged in the formation of the concept of class in the second generation of the Czech (Bohemian) Working-Class Movement. I selected time termination, because of the beginning of the 1890s involved onset of second generation of working-class movement, which deflected from radikalism the first generation of pioneers to engagement oscillating between reformism of Bebel and revisionism of Bernstein. Even since the early 1890s gradually alternated Class about itself (Klasse an sich) at precisely defined Class for itself (Klasse für sich). Thesis seeks to answer the question: Why occured to the above-mentioned phenomenon in the second generation? The traditional explanation of Marxist Historians about the end of Persecutory Phase and logical accession Mass Party seems too schematic. The year 1914 is selected as an upper time milestone, because the First World War caused a series of high quantitative and qualitative transitions in social relations: proletarianization of wide classes in society; fatal deteroration of living, social, health and political conditions of workers. The Working Classes in the prewar and wartime periods are two different social phenomena, which ought to analyse historically separately. The thesis is conceptually draws on Benedict Anderson's seminal work Imagined...