Pour cet ensemble géopolitique dont les origines remontent aux années 70, l’heure des choix stratégiques a sonné. C’est pourquoi ce travail dont le thème est « Francophonie et microfinance » interroge l’utilité de l'Organisation internationale de la Francophonie sur la scène internationale dans un contexte de bouleversements économiques majeurs. En effet, au regard de sa vocation première d’union géoculturelle, la Francophonie peut-elle s’approprier l’outil économique qu’est la microfinance ? Notre contribution interroge donc également la microfinance, pour en saisir la dynamique mondiale. A travers la description du phénomène qu’elle représente, ce qui importe est d’identifier les acteurs, les raisons qui motivent leur choix pour cet outil et les limites auxquelles les nations ou acteurs internationaux se heurtent dans la pratique de la microfinance. Il s'agit d'une approche centrée sur des études de cas (France, Québec, Gabon et Sénégal) qui, dans un dialogue interdisciplinaire, convoque la théorie des organisations pour mettre en lumière les initiatives de l'OIF et leurs limites en même temps que cette étude s'inscrit dans le champ des relations internationales explorant les collaborations entre l’Organisation, son environnement, et les populations francophones en leur qualité de bénéficiaires finales. / For this geopolitical union whose origins date to the 1970s, the time for strategic choices has come. That is why this thesis "The Francophonie and Microfinance" questions the usefulness of the Organization on the international scene, in a context of major economic upheavals. Indeed, with regard to its primary geocultural purpose, can the Francophonie appropriate this economic tool? Our contribution therefore also queries microfinance to understand how it works all over the world. Through the description of the phenomenon it represents, what matters is to identify stakholders, the reasons that motivate their choice for this tool and the limits to which nations or international actors face in its practice. This approach based on cases (France, Quebec, Gabon and Senegal) calls the theory of organizations to put in effect the initiatives of the Francophonie and their limits, in an interdisciplinary dialogue. This study also fits into international relations exploring collaborations between the Organization, its environment, and French speaking populations as final beneficiaries.

Esta tese analisa a relação entre os jornalistas e o Sindicato dos jornalistas Profissionais no Estado de São Paulo, tendo como base empírica pesquisa realizada junto à categoria e os mais de trinta anos de experiência do autor no movimento sindical. O trabalho investiga as raízes do distanciamento entre os profissionais e a entidade, fenômeno que vem se agravando paulatinamente desde os anos 1980. Discute se tal distanciamento constitui declínio ou crise, conceitos abordados na obra de Leôncio Martins Rodrigues (1999) para analisar a realidade atual do movimento sindical global e brasileiro, marcado pela queda das taxas de sindicalização. Declínio como o caminhar rumo ao fim e crise como recuo, mas que contém em si a esperança e a possibilidade de superação a partir da capacidade crítica e da emergência de novas e criativas perspectivas, estratégias e apostas políticas, em contextos sociais complexos, mutantes e diversos. O autor dialoga com o pensamento de Henri Lefebvre (1981; 2006) e sua análise crítica da realidade e dos conflitos sociais e políticos que a marcam. Analisa as principais mudanças na imprensa e no jornalismo, no mundo e no Brasil. Entre essas, ressalta a questão da despolitização presente tanto no conteúdo da produção jornalística como nas gerações pós-anos 1970, que passaram a integrar a nova base social da categoria, marcada pela juvenilização combinada à crescente precarização das condições de trabalho. Em termos das relações de trabalho, a flexibilização e a reorganização produtiva que tomaram conta do mundo nas últimas décadas tiveram uma impacto particular entre os jornalistas, fenômeno que o autor analisa em especial no caso exemplar do Projeto Folha, e os reflexos desses processos sobre os jornalistas, assim como no seu relacionamento com o Sindicato. A tese apresenta em largos traços, de forma descritiva, o que é o Sindicato dos Jornalistas Profissionais no Estado de São Paulo e suas principais iniciativas e atividades. Com base nos dados e nos depoimentos recolhidos das respostas do questionário, esboça o perfil do jornalista profissional de São Paulo e realiza a análise de conteúdo dos depoimentos. Para esta análise foi feita uma adaptação da metodologia proposta por Laurence Bardin (2010). O desenvolvimento da tese aponta para novas questões a serem aprofundadas em futuras pesquisas acadêmicas e vem contribuir para problematizar a organização de uma categoria fundamental para o fortalecimento da democracia brasileira. / This thesis investigates the relationship between journalists and the Professional Union of Journalists in São Paulo State based on empirical data and research conducted by the author who has more than 30 years of experience in the union movement. This piece examines the roots of distancing between the professional and the entity, a phenomenon that has slowly worsened since the 1980\'s. It has been pondered over whether this distance constitutes a decline or crisis, in concepts touched on in the work of Leôncio Martins Rodrigues (1999) to analyze the current global and Brazilian reality of the union movement, marked by the fall of the union taxes. Decline as a walk towards the end and crisis as a retreat, containing in itself the hope and possibility of bypassing from a critical capacity and the emergence of new and creative perspectives, strategies and political evils, in complex social contexts, changing and diverse. The author sees through the thinking of Henri Lefebvre (1981; 2006) and his critical analysis of reality coupled with social and political conflicts. He analyses the main changes in press and journalism, in the world and in Brazil. Amid these, he underlines the question of the de-politicization present in the contents of journalistic production as well as in the generations after the 1970\'s which turned to integrating the new social base of the workers, marked by renovation allied to the increasing precariousness of working conditions. In terms of working relations, the flexibility and the productive reorganization that engulfed the world in the last decade had a particular impact among journalists, a phenomenon which the author particularly examines with the exemplar case of the Folha Project, and the consequences of these processes in relation to the journalists, as well as in their ties with the union. The thesis presents in a wide portrait, a descriptive way of what is the Professional Union of Journalists in São Paulo State and their main initiatives and activities. Based on data and on respondents\' contribution, it outlines the profile of the professional journalist in São Paulo State and analyses the contents from the questionnaires. For this analysis an adaptation of the methodology proposed by Laurence Bardin (2010) was made. The development of this thesis points out new questions to be deepened in future academic research and contributes to discussion on the organization of a fundamental category to the strengthening of Brazilian democracy.

Esta tese historia a implantação e o desenvolvimento do Parque Industrial da Zona Sul de São Paulo, no que tange as indústrias metalúrgicas, a luta dos trabalhadores metalúrgicos desde o regime militar até o ano 2000. Historia a organização do movimento sindical nas fábricas, as diversas correntes sindicais existentes, os problemas enfrentados. e a atuação do Sindicato. As vitórias e derrotas, e as contradições existentes no seio da categoria e o a transformação do seu Sindicato de pelego agente aberto do capital. A história do Parque Industrial é reconstituída desde o processo de criação da infra-estrutura, na década de 1920, quando Santo Amaro ainda era Município e historia a luta sindical dos metalúrgicos da Região desenvolvida entre 1974 a 2000. O fio condutor é a luta entre o Trabalho e o Capital. / This thesis investigates the establishment and the development of the industrial park of the southern area in São Paulo city, focusing on metallurgy industries, the metallurgists\' struggles dating from the military regime up to the year 2000. It analyses the organization of the unionized movement inside the industrial plants, its different existing streams, the problems it faced and the Trade Union\'s performance. It also analyses the conquests and weaknesses, the existing contradictions inside this unionized group and the transformation of a stool-pigeon Trade Union into an open agent of capital. The history of this industrial park is described since the very beginning of its substructure in the 1920s, when Santo Amaro was still a town. The metallurgists\' unionized struggle is investigated from 1974 to 2000. The main interest is centered on the dispute between Labor and Capital.

The Great Recession that followed the financial crisis of 2008 had a devastating impact on workers, leading to high levels of unemployment and underemployment, increased job insecurity and stagnant or declining wages. While the legitimation crisis of neoliberalism could be viewed as a turning point for labour internationally, the immediate response by political parties across the spectrum was one of austerity measures and cuts to welfare. As the largest collective representatives of workers, trade unions are at the forefront of mobilisations attempting to challenge this consensus. Simultaneously, they are engaging in new activities to enhance public awareness and understanding of the crucial role that trade unions play in the labour market. Thus, the 21st century crisis is creating both challenges and opportunities. Each trade union movement’s response depends on the different forms of power they possess and choose to deploy, their strategies and allegiances, and the specific socio-economic and political context in which they are situated. Questions concerning what constitutes union power and the ways in which it is being exercised and revitalized therefore represent fascinating lines of enquiry to explore. To do so, however, requires a new perspective on trade union power that recognises the significance of the media which has been overlooked in industrial relations theory. Drawing on insights from industrial relations, the sociology of media and social movement studies, this thesis proposes the concept of communicative power to trace how trade unions produce and circulate discourse through the media (either union-owned or corporate) to a mass audience. Methodologically, it uses the tripartite approach which focuses our attention onto three key communication processes involved in trade union attempts to exercise communicative power: the production of union discourse, the circulation of union discourse, and the reception of union discourse. This is applied to four cases involving seven union organisations in the UK and Denmark over a five-year period 2010-2015. Data was gathered using 40 semi-structured interviews with union officials and activists, content analysis of newspapers, union media outlets and social media, and secondary survey data. In sum, this thesis argues that the media is, and always has been, central to how trade unions exercise and revitalize power in society. And within the context of accelerating digital capitalism, it looks set to becoming an increasingly important determinant of their future trajectory.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lilian Rose Arruda.pdf: 1541498 bytes, checksum: 1a6f5c0c1ccd79883b0a24736c6740c5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis discusses the processes of productive restructuring at Volkswagen/Anchieta initiated between 2001 and 2006 by the German headquarters, which were implemented in this company but faced a context of union purposeful practice, also called negotiated restructuring, led by the ABC Metalworkers' Union. In addition to conflicts between business and union representatives, members of the Workers' Committee of Volkswagen/Anchieta also faced internal disagreements with members of the opposition to the leadership of the ABC Metalworkers' Union. It should be remembered that these processes occurred in the contemporary historical context marked by globalization. Companies adopt global strategies regarding the processes of productive restructuring, but these processes, in this case, object of our thesis, have different configurations because of national government policies and the regional performance of the union and workers movement where that company is located. One goal of this thesis is to analyze the negotiations between management and employees representatives during the process of productive restructuring at Volkswagen/Anchieta, between 2001 and 2006, from the speeches enunciated by several social actors including members of the Volkswagen Global Group Works Council (GGWC) about the action proposal. From this perspective, union purposeful practice comprises negotiation and conflict resolution / Esta tese trata dos processos de reestruturação produtiva na Volkswagen/Anchieta desencadeados entre 2001 e 2006 pela matriz alemã, mas que ao serem implementadas nessa empresa se defrontaram com um contexto de prática sindical prepositiva, também chamado de reestruturação negociada, protagonizada pelos metalúrgicos do ABC paulista. Além dos conflitos entre representantes empresariais e sindicais, os integrantes da Comissão de Fábrica da Volkswagen/Anchieta enfrentaram também discordâncias internas com membros da oposição à direção do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos do ABC. Convém lembrar que esses processos ocorreram no contexto histórico contemporâneo marcado pelas globalizações, as empresa adotam estratégias globais no que se refere aos processos de reestruturação produtiva, porém esses processos assumem diferentes configurações, tendo em vista as políticas governamentais nacionais e a atuação local do movimento sindical e operário onde aquela empresa se localiza, no caso em análise, no município de São Bernardo do Campo, na região do ABC paulista. Um dos objetivos desta tese seria analisar as negociações entre os representantes empresariais e dos trabalhadores no decorrer dos processos de reestruturação produtiva na Volkswagen Anchieta entre 2001 e 2006 a partir dos discursos enunciados pelos vários alores sociais, inclusive membros do Comité Mundial de Trabalhadores da Volkswagen, em torno dessa proposta de ação. Nessa perspectiva, a ação sindical sindical prepositiva compreende negociações e conflitos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:52:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lilian Rose Arruda.pdf: 1541498 bytes, checksum: 1a6f5c0c1ccd79883b0a24736c6740c5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis discusses the processes of productive restructuring at Volkswagen/Anchieta initiated between 2001 and 2006 by the German headquarters, which were implemented in this company but faced a context of union purposeful practice, also called negotiated restructuring, led by the ABC Metalworkers' Union. In addition to conflicts between business and union representatives, members of the Workers' Committee of Volkswagen/Anchieta also faced internal disagreements with members of the opposition to the leadership of the ABC Metalworkers' Union. It should be remembered that these processes occurred in the contemporary historical context marked by globalization. Companies adopt global strategies regarding the processes of productive restructuring, but these processes, in this case, object of our thesis, have different configurations because of national government policies and the regional performance of the union and workers movement where that company is located. One goal of this thesis is to analyze the negotiations between management and employees representatives during the process of productive restructuring at Volkswagen/Anchieta, between 2001 and 2006, from the speeches enunciated by several social actors including members of the Volkswagen Global Group Works Council (GGWC) about the action proposal. From this perspective, union purposeful practice comprises negotiation and conflict resolution / Esta tese trata dos processos de reestruturação produtiva na Volkswagen/Anchieta desencadeados entre 2001 e 2006 pela matriz alemã, mas que ao serem implementadas nessa empresa se defrontaram com um contexto de prática sindical prepositiva, também chamado de reestruturação negociada, protagonizada pelos metalúrgicos do ABC paulista. Além dos conflitos entre representantes empresariais e sindicais, os integrantes da Comissão de Fábrica da Volkswagen/Anchieta enfrentaram também discordâncias internas com membros da oposição à direção do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos do ABC. Convém lembrar que esses processos ocorreram no contexto histórico contemporâneo marcado pelas globalizações, as empresa adotam estratégias globais no que se refere aos processos de reestruturação produtiva, porém esses processos assumem diferentes configurações, tendo em vista as políticas governamentais nacionais e a atuação local do movimento sindical e operário onde aquela empresa se localiza, no caso em análise, no município de São Bernardo do Campo, na região do ABC paulista. Um dos objetivos desta tese seria analisar as negociações entre os representantes empresariais e dos trabalhadores no decorrer dos processos de reestruturação produtiva na Volkswagen Anchieta entre 2001 e 2006 a partir dos discursos enunciados pelos vários alores sociais, inclusive membros do Comité Mundial de Trabalhadores da Volkswagen, em torno dessa proposta de ação. Nessa perspectiva, a ação sindical sindical prepositiva compreende negociações e conflitos

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2018-10-19T19:20:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 EDUARDO GOMES DOS PASSOS - PDF.pdf: 1136070 bytes, checksum: f633dccb7b6e3bf863517050002275a0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-19T19:20:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 EDUARDO GOMES DOS PASSOS - PDF.pdf: 1136070 bytes, checksum: f633dccb7b6e3bf863517050002275a0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-10-16 / This study incorporates fields of “Social Policy - Social Movements and Citzenship” research project of the Master’s degree Social Work program, and aims to analyze and comprehend how has the organization of the public services basic educators in Goiás State been happening since the period after political reopening in Brazil. It is bibliographical and documentary research and also interviews is contempled with educators of the public basic network of Goiás State that participated in the organizations (Syndicate) in defense of the category combine to promote common interests: The Sintego (Union of the Workers in Education of Goiás State) and the MPG (Movimento de Mobilização dos Professores do Estado de Goiás). With regard to Sintego, the context of its genesis, development and crisis was observed, which intensify in the 90s as well as the following decades in a world context of productive restructuring of the monopolist capitalism and a deepening/wider/increase of the opening of the periphery societies to the neoliberalism capitalism. With regard to the MPG, its origin is approached within the neoliberal context, as a movement of opposition to the political direction given by the union (Sintego) to the movement of workers in education. / Este estudo insere-se na linha de pesquisa “Política Social – Movimentos Sociais e Cidadania”, do Programa de Mestrado em Serviço Social, e tem por objetivo compreender e analisar como vem acontecendo a organização dos trabalhadores em educação da rede básica pública em Goiás, desde o período pós reabertura política, no Brasil. Foram realizadas pesquisas bibliográficas, documentais e também entrevistas com trabalhadores em educação da rede básica pública de Goiás que participam das organizações classistas em defesa da categoria: o Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Educação de Goiás (Sintego) e o Movimento de Mobilização dos Professores de Goiás (MPG). Com relação ao Sintego, foram observados o contexto de sua gênese, desenvolvimento e crise, que se aprofunda nas décadas de 1990 e seguintes, em um contexto mundial de reestruturação produtiva do capital e de um aprofundamento da abertura das sociedades periféricas ao capitalismo mundial. Com relação ao MPG, é abordada sua origem no contexto neoliberal, como um movimento de oposição à direção política dada pelo Sintego ao movimento dos trabalhadores em educação.

在全球化時代下，勞動力的跨國流動成為一個顯著現象。 2005年起，芬蘭食品加工公司開始引進外籍野莓採集工，其中以泰國東北方的農民占最多數。他們持3個月的旅遊簽證，並引用芬蘭 everyman’s right 這個傳統權利在芬蘭的森林裡採集野莓。 這些泰國野莓採集工被視為自僱自營者/企業家而非受雇者，因此他們必需支付其到芬蘭的所有開銷，這些開銷基本上遠超過一個農民家庭的一年所得。農民先行支付了這些高額開銷並不意味著其享有任何收入保證，相反的，其收入完全取決於他們採收了多少野莓。如果他們碰到了乾旱的夏季或野莓作物收成物不佳，此意味者他們在極辛苦的工作之後，不僅沒賺到任何錢，反而背負更多的債務，換句話說，泰籍野莓採集工自行承擔芬蘭採莓之行的所有風險。 泰籍野莓採集工在芬蘭填補了當地人不願從事的次級勞動市場職缺。他們既不享有芬蘭政府的相關勞動法令保障，也不適用芬蘭工會的團體協約。其處於芬蘭勞動市場的灰色地帶。 外籍野莓採集工在芬蘭屬於新的社會現象，目前僅見極少數的文獻聚焦探討此議題。此研究的目的主要是為了瞭解泰籍野莓採集工在芬蘭的勞動處境，並解釋造成其處於不利處境的結構性因素。 / The flow of labour force between countries has become a significant phenomenon in globalization age. Since 2005, the Finnish food processing companies started to introduce migrant wild-berries pickers with a tourist visa up to 3 months in order to harvest wild berries in Finnish forest, and the majority is from the northeastern area of Thailand. They went to Finland with tourist visa and pick up wild berries in the forest according to ‘Everyman’s Right’. They do not be regarded as employees but self-employment or entrepreneurs, and therefore they and their income totally depend on how much berries they pick up. Thai berry pickers paid every cost that far more then one year income of normal farm-family in Thailand by themselves. However, those high costs do not engage any income guarantee. If they meet dry summer or corps is not good enough, they would not get any compensation from Finnish companies. In other words, they will simply work for free and get even deeper debts after extremely hard working. Thai berry pickers in Finland fill in the vacancies in Finnish secondary labour market. They neither entitle to enjoy the protection from Finnish labour regulations nor collective agreements. They are in gray areas in Finnish labour market. Migrant berry picker is a new appearance in Finland, and hence there are only a few literatures focus on the issue. The aim of this research is to understand the situation and explore the structure determinates of Thai berry pickers.

國營企業政策性因素虧損，造成企業經營、勞工生計、和工會生存遭遇困境。為了解決困境，工會和企業在勞資關係當中必須透過新的互動發展夥伴關係。 本研究旨在探討夥伴關係在工會與企業勞資關係當中建構和發展的過程。研究發現，夥伴關係存在的要素是：工作權的保障，自主的工會和勞工參與制度。歸納分析夥伴關係的四種模式是：悲觀，相互收益，相互制約，生命共同體等模式。 顧及企業經營、勞工生計、和工會生存，可持續發展的夥伴關係並的是「生命共同體」模式。 / Policy-related factors cause the financial loss of state-owned enterprises, and resulting in the business management, the worker livelihoods, and the trade union survival had run into dilemma. In order to solve the predicament, the trade union and the state-owned enterprise in the industrial relationship is needed to develop a new interactive partnership. This study was to explore the partnership in the industrial relationship between the trade union and the state-owned enterprise with the process of construction and development. This study has found that the existence elements of the partnership are: the right to work safeguard, independent trade union, and worker participation. And the four modes of partnership are: the Pessimistic, the Mutual Gains, the Mutual Restraint, and the Life Together. Taking into account the business management, the worker livelihoods, and the trade union survival, the partnership for sustainable development is the " Life Together" mode.

La historia del anarquismo en España es la de un movimiento heterogéneo, plural y de manifestaciones muy diversas. El anarquismo fue en Asturias un movimiento, igualmente diverso y pluralista, en constante rivalidad con el republicanismo y el socialismo, primero, y con el comunismo, después, desde los orígenes, hasta la Guerra Civil. Fue un movimiento principalmente sindical, de movilización de masas, además de un movimiento cultural y “político” dentro de su apoliticismo doctrinal, que representó una vía específica y caracterizada dentro de la CNT, y de ahí el interés que presenta, más allá de la pura localización geográfica de la Federación de Asturias, León y Palencia. Militantes y dirigentes manifestaron siempre una peculiar percepción de la función del anarquismo en España, que no siempre fue la de la mayoría dentro de la organización nacional. Sin embargo, nunca se plantearon abandonarla, prueba del carácter esencialmente plural y “libertario” de la CNT. / The history of Spanish anarchism rest on a pluralist and heterogeneous movement beyond their ideas or political praxis. In Asturias, the anarchism and the anarchist militants and leaders, were in constant rivalry with republicanism, socialism and communism, from the origins to the Civil War. But, in fact, the asturian anarcosindicalismo, as tradeunion movement, and the asturian anarcosindicalistas were involved on mass mobilization, also than in cultural and political aims. Their specific idea about the role of the anarchism, in general, and the CNT, in particular, on Spanish politics, not always achieved the majority support in the CNT and was the making of a deep crisis in different times. Notwithstanding that, the Federacion Regional de Asturias, León y Palencia didn´t want to think to leave the organization off, because CNT were a pluralist and “libertarian” organization.