Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / Through South African labour legislation, bargaining councils are empowered to conclude collective agreements between employers and trade unions. While bargaining councils were created for virtually every sector within the South African private sector, only one bargaining council exists for the public sector. This public sector bargaining council is known as the Public Service Co-ordinating Bargaining Council (PSCBC). The PCSBC subsequently established four sectoral councils to further collectively bargain on matters pertaining to sectoral issues relevant to the sector it represents. However, the PSCBC remains the apex of these four public service sectoral bargaining councils. This thesis focuses on how the Public Service Co-ordinating Bargaining Council (PSCBC) contributes to social dialogue within South African public service. This thesis seeks to fill a significant literature gap on collective bargaining as accomplished by the PSCBC. The thesis briefly examines the history of collective bargaining in the South African public service. The research methodology utilised includes information gleaned from annual reports published by the PSCBC. Interviews of selected stakeholders such as government officials and labour organisations involved in the PSCBC were conducted. The PSCBC objectives are identified and analysed against the performance of the PSCBC for the period 1997 to 2007. The relevant PSCBC role players are identified. The power realities between these role players are reflected. The criteria for remaining a party to these PSCBC will be explained. The thesis holds that historically an adversarial relationship existed between the state as employer and the recognised trade unions. The establishment of the PSCBC created the opportunity for the historical adversaries between an employer and trade union to be converted into social dialogue interactions, which are commonly believed to be a better approach in resolving their differences. / South Africa

Depuis les années 1990 en Europe, les mesures et les dispositifs publics adoptés au nom de l’emploi trouvent notamment leur expression dans les principes guidant le débat sur la flexisécurité. Ainsi, au niveau national émergent des politiques visant à encadrer les transitions professionnelles dans un contexte de flexibilité et de précarisation accrue du marché du travail. Si au niveau européen nous pouvons observer une tendance assez transversale, les orientations sous-jacentes aux dispositifs de la politique de l’emploi encadrant les transitions professionnelles demeurent spécifiques aux contextes sociétaux. La situation italienne, où le maintien du contrat de travail dans le chômage partiel par la Cassa Integrazione Guadagni a été longtemps préféré à l’indemnisation du chômage sur le marché du travail, fait l’objet de cette thèse. La thèse s’attache à révéler les enjeux d’une régulation de l’emploi, du salaire et du travail fruit de l’action revendicative syndicale d’opposition à la logique des mobilités sur le marché du travail. Elle repose sur l’analyse diachronique et synchronique de l’action revendicative des principaux acteurs syndicaux structurée autour du maintien du contrat de travail. Si l’analyse diachronique (1941-2013) a permis de retracer un projet syndical de revendication de régulation des mobilités professionnelles dans l’emploi, l’analyse synchronique a montré à partir des registres de justifications véhiculés par les acteurs, l’appropriation d’un dispositif de garantie dans l’emploi. / Since the 90s in Europe, the measures and public schemes on behalf of employment have been largely covered by the debate on flexicurity. Thus, at the national level, some policies aiming at framing the career transitions, in a context of labour market flexibility and ever-increasing precarity, have emerged. If, at the European level we can observe a rather transverse trend, the underlying orientations for employment policy schemes relative to career transitions, specifically depend on societal contexts. This thesis will highlight the Italian situation, for which the work contract maintained by the Cassa Integrazione Guadagni into the short-time working has been for a long time preferred to the unemployment compensation. The work will be particularly focused on the stakes of the employment, wage and labour regulation, supported by the industrial action which is opposed to mobility on the labour market. It will be based on the diachronic and synchronic analysis of the industrial action led by the main union actors in order to maintain the work contract. On the one hand the diachronic analysis (1941-2013) allowed us to consider a project of union action concerning the regulation of work-related mobility, and on the other hand the synchronic analysis showed, from the actors’ justifications, the appropriation of an employment security scheme.

My thesis studies the role of trade unions as representatives of workers in Czech Republic and Germany. The aim of this thesis is presentation of representation of collective and individual interests of workers on various levels - from national to corporate level. My thesis presents position of trade unions towards state and employers too. In the last chapter the thesis deals with social issues and challenges, that trade unions deal with as well. In conclusion the thesis offers a comparison of the role of trade unions at mentioned levels of representation in Czech Republic and Germany.

The main contribution of my thesis is the analysis of substantial empirical material that I have collected from Community trade union actors. My analysis focuses on the institutional strategies of the sectoral European trade union federations and their implications for the Europeanisation of wages policy. I have demonstrated that the development of European coordination processes of national collective bargaining, particularly at sectoral level, has contributed to reviving the concept of collective bargaining and professional relations in the European Area, which until then had been covered in the literature by the social dialogue. I have identified three obstacles to collective negociations at a European level: the “depoliticised” wage in the economic partnership, employers identified as the “lobby partner” in the sectoral social dialogue, and the difficulties encountered in the Europeanisation of trade unions. L’apport majeur de notre thèse est l’analyse d’un matériel empirique conséquent que nous avons collecté auprès des acteurs syndicaux communautaires. Notre analyse se concentre sur les stratégies institutionnelles des fédérations syndicales sectorielles européennes et sur leurs implications en matière d’européanisation de la politique salariale. Nous avons démontré que le développement des processus de coordination européenne des négociations collectives nationales, en particulier au niveau sectoriel, peut contribuer à renouveler la conception de la négociation collective et des relations professionnelles dans l’espace européen jusqu’alors appréhendée dans la littérature par le dialogue social. Nous avons identifié trois obstacles à la négociation collective européenne : le salaire « dépolitisé » dans le partenariat économique, le patronat devenu « partenaire-lobby » dans le dialogue social sectoriel, et la difficile européanisation syndicale.

South Africa has been experiencing a number of violent strikes by trade unions in recent times. The issue is not only to hold unions liable for damage caused during strikes, but also to reduce the number of violent strikes. This study investigates if victims of such violence can hold trade unions liable for the violent acts committed by their members during industrial action. The Labour Relations Act, 66 of 1995 (LRA) makes provision for the dismissal of employees who commit misconduct during an unprotected strike. It also provides the remedy of an interdict and a claim for just and equitable compensation which can be made against the union, during an unprotected strike. It is further possible to hold the union together with its members liable for damages in terms of the Regulation of Gatherings Act, 205 of 1993 (RGA). The study argues that a strike or conduct in furtherance of a strike that becomes violent could lose protection and the trade union should consequently be held liable, in terms of the LRA and/ or the RGA, for damages caused by its members. This study investigates the position in Canada, Botswana and Australia to determine if there could be any other basis upon which to hold trade union liable for the conduct of its members. The study recommends that the common law doctrine of vicarious liability should be developed by the courts to allow trade unions to be held liable for damages caused by members during violent industrial action. Policy considerations and changing economic conditions and the nature of strikes in the Republic favours the expansion of the doctrine of vicarious liability to trade union member relationship. / Mercantile Law / LL. D.

The main contribution of my thesis is the analysis of substantial empirical material that I have collected from Community trade union actors. My analysis focuses on the institutional strategies of the sectoral European trade union federations and their implications for the Europeanisation of wages policy. I have demonstrated that the development of European coordination processes of national collective bargaining, particularly at sectoral level, has contributed to reviving the concept of collective bargaining and professional relations in the European Area, which until then had been covered in the literature by the social dialogue. I have identified three obstacles to collective negociations at a European level: the “depoliticised” wage in the economic partnership, employers identified as the “lobby partner” in the sectoral social dialogue, and the difficulties encountered in the Europeanisation of trade unions.<p><p>L’apport majeur de notre thèse est l’analyse d’un matériel empirique conséquent que nous avons collecté auprès des acteurs syndicaux communautaires. Notre analyse se concentre sur les stratégies institutionnelles des fédérations syndicales sectorielles européennes et sur leurs implications en matière d’européanisation de la politique salariale. Nous avons démontré que le développement des processus de coordination européenne des négociations collectives nationales, en particulier au niveau sectoriel, peut contribuer à renouveler la conception de la négociation collective et des relations professionnelles dans l’espace européen jusqu’alors appréhendée dans la littérature par le dialogue social. Nous avons identifié trois obstacles à la négociation collective européenne :le salaire « dépolitisé » dans le partenariat économique, le patronat devenu « partenaire-lobby » dans le dialogue social sectoriel, et la difficile européanisation syndicale.<p><p><p> / Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La responsabilité sociale des entreprises (RSE) est un concept qui fait référence au volontariat, sans définition unique, et visant la prise en compte des intérêts des parties prenantes de l’entreprise. Pour celle-ci, les caractéristiques communes à ces différentes définitions est d’établir des balises allant au-delà de ce que la loi fixe comme règle. Pour mettre en oeuvre la RSE, plusieurs outils sont utilisés, le code de conduite étant le plus répandu. Quant aux multiples parties prenantes de l’organisation, celle des travailleurs ne semble pas invitée à participer aux décisions de l’entreprise en matière de RSE, malgré les intérêts importants que les travailleurs et le syndicat peuvent posséder auprès de cette dernière. Notre recherche porte sur la convention collective en tant qu’outil de responsabilité sociale des entreprises. Nous nous intéressons à savoir si cet outil traditionnel en relations du travail pourrait être utilisé, tout comme un code de conduite, pour stimuler la participation des syndicale aux décisions de l’entreprise. À l’aide du Portrait statistique des conventions collectives analysées au Québec en 2006, nous avons validé la fréquence, le sujet ainsi que le niveau de participation syndicale dans les comités conjoints conventionnés en comparant les entreprises dites RSE et non RSE. Il s’est avéré qu’il n’y a pas plus de participation syndicale indiquée dans les conventions collectives d’entreprises RSE que dans celles non RSE. Cependant, notre analyse précise que deux outils RSE autres que le code de conduite adoptés par l’entreprise coïncident avec la participation syndicale, soit la signature d’un accord-cadre international et la participation au Pacte Mondial de l’ONU. / Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is a concept referring to voluntarism, without unique definition, aiming to take into account interests of various company stakeholders. The main common characteristic is to institute principles that go beyond what the law establishes. In order for CSR to take place, several tools have been used, like the code of conduct which is the most widely used. As for one of the multiple corporate stakeholders, the workers don’t seem to be invited to participate in corporate decisions related to CSR, despite the major interests that they and the workers’ union might have in the company. Our research looks at the collective agreement as a tool for corporate social responsibility. We question ourselves to see if this traditional labour tool could be used, like the code of conduct, to confine unions’ participation in corporate decisions. With the Portrait statistique des conventions collectives analysées au Québec en 2006, we have validated the frequency, subject and participation level of unions in collective joint committees by comparing CSR and non CSR organizations. It appears that unions’ participation to corporate decisions is not higher in collective agreements of CSR organizations. Nevertheless, our analysis shows that two CSR tools other than a code of conduct adopted by the organization coincide with unions’ participation, that are the signature of a global framework agreement and participation to the UN Global Compact.

Le monde du travail connaît actuellement de grandes transformations. Le modèle nord-américain d’organisation syndicale ne semble plus permettre au mouvement syndical de répondre efficacement à ces transformations, favorisant le développement de plusieurs initiatives de renouveau syndical. Pour évaluer les impacts d’initiatives de renouveau syndical, nous avons développé un modèle basé sur le concept de zone syndicale (Haiven, 2003, 2006). Nous avons dû déterminer les facteurs définissant la zone syndicale, comme la littérature était muette à ce sujet. En utilisant d’abord la théorie des déterminants de la densité syndicale (Schnabel, 2003), nous avons intégré au modèle les éléments de la théorie des ressources du pouvoir syndical (Lévesque et Murray, 2010) pour considérer les facteurs internes aux syndicats qui influencent la zone syndicale. L’intégration de ces trois théories dans un modèle unifié constitue une innovation théorique significative. Le modèle a été appliqué à deux centres de travailleurs : le Vermont Workers Center et le Centre des Travailleurs de St-Rémi. Dans les deux cas, ces initiatives ont permis d’élargir la zone syndicale. Par contre, le Centre du Vermont applique les principes du syndicalisme communautaire, en cherchant à développer du leaderhsip chez ses membres (Cranford et Ladd, 2013), alors que celui de St-Rémi applique un syndicalisme de mobilisation, où le leadership s’exerce par les organisateurs syndicaux (Camfield, 2007). Cette différence et leurs différents mandats font que les impacts des deux cas étudiés diffèrent. D’autres études sont nécessaires pour améliorer le modèle proposé. Ce dernier demeure malgré tout un outil pour les chercheurs ou les syndicats qui veulent évaluer des initiatives ou des pratiques syndicales et permettre, à terme, d’augmenter l’influence du mouvement syndical sur le marché du travail et la société. / The labor market is undergoing major changes. The north-american model of union organization seems to not allow the labor movement to respond effectively to these changes, which have contributed to the development of several union renewal initiatives. To evaluate the impacts of union renewal initiatives, we have developped a model based on the concept of union zone (Haiven 2003, 2006). We had to determine the factors defining the union zone, as the litterature was silent about that subject. Using at first the theory of the determinants of the union density (Schnabel, 2003), we have integrated elements of the theory of union power resources (Lévesque and Murray, 2010) to the model to consider the internal factors for the unions that can influence the union zone. The integration of these three theories in one unified model constitute a significant theoritical innovation. The model was applied to two workers centers : the Vermont Workers Center and the St-Rémi Workers Center. In both cases, these union renewal initiatives have enlarged the union zone. On the other side, the Vermont center applies the principles of community unionism, seeking to develop leadership among its members (Cranford and Ladd, 2003), while the St-Rémi center applies the principles of mobilization unionism, in which leadership is exercised rather by union organizers (Camfield, 2007). This difference and their different mandates made the impacts in the two studied cases different. Further studies are needed to improve the proposed model. It remains a tool that can be useful for researchers or unions who want to evaluate the impacts of union initiatives or practices and, eventually, increase the influence of the labor movement on the labor market and society.

This dissertation examines collaborations between the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and non-union elements of global civil society (GCS). GCS is presented as a crucial emergent site of transnational class formation, and ITUC collaborations within this field are treated as potentially important moments in transnational class formation. The goal of the dissertation is threefold. It seeks to 1) address the lacuna in GCS studies around the involvement of organized labour; 2) provide an analysis of what ITUC GCS collaborations mean for the remit and repertoire of action of the ITUC; and 3) provide an analysis of the impact of ITUC collaborations on transnational class formation. What the findings show is that the ITUC is heavily engaged in GCS through numerous collaborations with non-union organizations concerned with environmental degradation, human rights, global economic inequality, and women workers. Most significantly, collaboration within GCS has provided the ITUC an avenue to incorporate the needs of marginalized women workers whose work does not “fit” into the traditional model of trade union organizing. These findings lead to the conclusion that these collaborations have allowed the ITUC to expand the remit of its activities beyond “bread-and-butter” unionism, and expand its repertoire of action beyond interstate diplomacy. However, the findings do not support the idea that the ITUC has adopted a social movement framework, although it is clear that the ethos of social movement unionism has had an impact on the organization. Nonetheless, the dissertation concludes that the incorporation of marginalized women workers, and the active engagement of the ITUC in global environmental policy debates, signifies a new moment in transnational class formation. / Graduate / 0629 / 0703 / davidbhuxtable@gmail.com

<p>The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.</p><p>My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time.</p><p>There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.</p>