L'originalitat de l'arquitectura d'Antoni Gaudí (Reus 1852- Barcelona 1926) ha sorprès des de la primeria del segle XX diverses generacions de crítics i historiadors. Aquest estudi intenta situar-la ideològicament. Per això partim d'una crítica del concepte de Modernisme, tot analitzant les diverses ideologies que s'integraren en aquest moviment. Això ens portava a recercar les arrels romàntiques de la ideologia de Gaudí, l'idealisme alemany i l'arquitectura neogòtica europea, especialment en les figures de Pugin i Ruskin. De la filosofia alemanya es dedueix el concepte d'arquitectura cristiana identificada amb el gòtic; dels dos teòrics anglesos una sèrie de preceptes morals que havien de caracteritzar aquesta arquitectura. Alhora es justifica com es transmeté el pensament romàntic a Catalunya a través de Piferrer i Rogent.Una anàlisi del Park Güell com a símbol de la dialèctica entre naturalesa i cultura ens condueix al temple de Delfos i als plantejaments de l'Estètica de Hegel i d'El Naixement de la Tragèdia de Nietzsche, A la Sagrada Família, en canvi, ens enfrontem a dos misticismes. D'una banda a l'arquitectura de l'espai concebut com a buit, com a esperit; de l'altra a l'arquitectura simbòlica del material, dos conceptes que procedien de Hegel.Finalment, a la cripta de l'església de la Colònia Güell, Gaudí portarà a terme la síntesi d'aquests dos misticismes, tot recercant l'espiritualitat del material. / The originality of Antoni's Gaudí (1852- 1926) architecture has amazed several generations of critics and historians from the early 20th century onwards. This thesis tries to place it ideologically. This is the reason why we set up from a criticism of the concept of Catalan Modernist Movement, with an analysis of the ideologies that composed this movement. This takes us to the romantic roots of Gaudí's ideology, the German idealism, and European gothic revival, specially focusing on Pugin and Ruskin.From German philosophy we deduce the concept of Christian architecture identified with gothic and from the English thinkers some moral precepts that gave character to this architecture. We also justify how this romantic architectonic thought was transferred to Catalonia along the 19th century by Piferrer and Rogent.The analysis of the Park Güell as a symbol of the dialectic between nature and culture leads us to the temple of Delphi and to the thesis of Hegel's Aesthetics and Nietzsche's The Birth of the Tragedy. Moreover, we find two mysticisms in the Sagrada Família. First, we stand up to the architecture of the space, as vacuum, as spirit. Likewise, we challenge with symbolic architecture of material; two concepts that came from Hegel.Finally, in the crypt of the church of Colònia Güell, Gaudí will achieve the synthesis of these two mysticisms, searching for the spirituality of material.

La presente tesis doctoral aborda el estudio de la presencia de la Compañía de Jesús en las islas Filipinas desde su llegada en 1581 hasta su expulsión en 1768. Sin embargo, no pretende ser una historia completa de los jesuitas en el archipiélago, sino que la intención es contraponer la imagen que pretendieron dar de ellos mismos y de su entorno con la realidad misional que desplegaron antes del extrañamiento forzoso de los territorios hispánicos en tiempos de Carlos III. El trabajo se divide en tres partes, precedidas de un preámbulo. En éste se expone de manera resumida una introducción histórica al ámbito filipino desde los primeros contactos europeos hasta mediados del siglo XVIII, señalando los principales acontecimientos políticos y dando algunas pinceladas del sistema político, social y económico de la colonia. La primera parte es un resumen de la trayectoria histórica de la Compañía de Jesús en el archipiélago desde 1581 hasta 1768. En la segunda parte se aportan elementos novedosos para la comprensión de la empresa evangélica jesuita en Filipinas, partiendo de la visión del interior de la Compañía. A partir del análisis de numerosas cartas, se analizan diversas temáticas fundamentales en el proceso de construcción de la imagen de la Compañía y su labor en Filipinas: en primer lugar, los primeros años de precariedad de la misión; en segundo lugar, la cuestión de la organización de las misiones en las diferentes zonas de evangelización que estuvieron a cargo de los jesuitas; finalmente, las difíciles condiciones que los misioneros debían afrontar en su labor. La tercera parte de la tesis, por su parte, aborda el discurso cultural que los miembros de la Compañía construyeron acerca de la naturaleza de su acción misional en Filipinas. En este sentido, en primer lugar se analizan las obras de los cronistas oficiales de la Provincia de Filipinas, además de la obra de otros cronistas “menores”. Además, se aborda la visión que los misioneros tuvieron de sus potenciales evangelizables, especialmente indígenas y chinos. La imagen de los primeros estuvo muy influida por la experiencia previa americana, con los modelos del buen salvaje y del monstruo como referentes. Por su parte, la visión de Oriente y sus habitantes contaba con una tradición centenaria, y fue siempre una utopía para los colonizadores de Filipinas. / This doctoral dissertation studies the presence of the Society of Jesus in the Philippines in the period 1581-1768. But the intention is not to write a complete history of the Jesuits in the archipelago, but to contrast the image that they tried to offer about themselves and their environment with the missionary reality that they carried out before the expulsion from the hispanic territory in the time of Carlos III. The work is divided in three parts, preceded by a preamble. This is a brief historic introduction to the Philippine colony, from the first contacts with Europeans to the half of the eighteenth century, marking the main political events and offering some information about the political, social and economic system of the colony. The first part is a digest of the historical trajectory of the Society of Jesus in the Philippines form 1581 to 1568. In the second part we offer elements for the understanding of the jesuit evangelic enterprise in the archipelago, from an inner view of the Society. From the analysis of a lot of letters, we analyse some fundamental topics in the construction process of the image of the Jesuits and their work in the Philippines. The first topic is about the precarious first years of the mission. The second one is about the organization in the different evangelization areas that were in charge of the Jesuits. Finally, the hard conditions that the missionary defied while working on the ground. The third part of the thesis approaches the cultural discourse that the members of the Society constructed about the nature of their missional action in the Philippines. First, we analyse the works of the official chroniclers of the Province of the Philippines, and the work of other “minor” authors. We also study the vision that the missionary had about the people that they potentially could evangelise, especially Filipino natives and Chinese. The image of the first was very influenced by the previous american experience, with the pattern of the “good savage” and the “monster” as a reference. Meanwhile, the vision of the Far East and their peoples had a centenary tradition, and was always an utopia for the colonisers of the Philippines.

Durant l'època montserratina el monestir de Sant Benet experimentà una transformació del seu conjunt d'edificis i entorn més immediat. Es repararen i modernitzaren els edificis vells (l'església, el claustre, el campanar, els cellers, el refectori i la cuina, entre d'altres) i se'n construïren de nous: el palau abacial barroc, durant la primera meitat del segle XVII, i les cel·les monacals de migdia, durant els segles XVIII i XIX. Els monjos benedictins del monestir de Sant Benet eren tots monjos professos de Montserrat. Pel que fa a la seva composició social procedien majoritàriament de classes benestants, però pel que fa a la seva naturalesa geogràfica eren monjos procedents dels territoris amb presència de monestirs de la Congregació de San Benito de Valladolid, de la qual formaven part Sant Benet de Bages i Montserrat. Prop de la meitat dels monjos montserratins eren naturals de Catalunya, mentre que l'altra meitat no ho eren, procedien de territoris del nord peninsular: Galícia, Astúries, Castella, La Rioja i Aragó, entre d'altres.Més enllà de la dedicació benedictina a la litúrgia de les hores, l'espiritualitat del monestir de Sant Benet tenia una particularitat devocional: el culte a Sant Valentí màrtir. Des dels primers temps d'existència del monestir es veneraven en la seva església les relíquies i el cristall d'un Sant Valentí màrtir de procedència desconeguda. A més de la veneració per la mateixa comunitat, els vilatans dels termes de les rodalies del monestir també veneraven el cos de Sant Valentí, que era considerat el patró de tot el Pla de Bages. El monestir de Sant Benet fou també durant la seva etapa montserratina un col·legi benedictí. Els monjos montserratins tingueren a Sant Benet de Bages un col·legi de Filosofia i Arts regit per un mestre de júniors, un lector i un passant. Fou aquest un dels molts col·legis de la Congregació que es dedicaven a formar culturalment i acadèmicament els monjos.Pel que fa a les possessions territorials del monestir de Sant Benet de Bages, cal dir que a l'època montserratina posseïa importants dominis territorials a la comarca del Bages, en molts casos a les rodalies del mateix monestir, que incloïen els termes de Navarcles, Vall dels Horts, Sant Fruitós de Bages, Rocafort, Sant Martí de Torroella, Santpedor, Sant Martí de Serraïma i Maians, entre d'altres; a la Garrotxa, on posseïa els alous de les Preses, el Corb i Santa Margarida de Bianya; a l'Anoia, on posseïa el priorat de Santa Maria de Castellfollit de Riubregós i les seves possessions de Castellfollit, Malacara, Ferran i Calonge de Segarra; al Vallès, on posseïa alous a Gallifa i a Terrassa; i a d'altres punts de Catalunya.A més de posseir dominis territorials sobre nombrosos llocs de la Catalunya central i d'arreu del país, el monestir també posseïa la jurisdicció territorial sobre els termes de la Baronia de Bages. Aquests, a mitjan segle XVIII eren Navarcles, Sant Fruitós de Bages, Les Preses, Rocafort, Sant Martí de Torroella, Maians i Vall dels Horts. El monestir posseïa la jurisdicció civil plena i la criminal baixa en tot aquest territori, és a dir, n'administrava el mixt imperi, amb la qual cosa no podia aplicar ni penes de mort ni mutilacions de membres, que pertocaven a la jurisdicció del mer imperi, que la posseïen els veguers com a representants del Rei. Per tal d'administrar la justícia senyorial, el monestir es dotava de presons i costells als diferents termes de la Baronia. L'abat del monestir nomenava batlles i regidors en cadascun d'aquests termes, els quals es feien càrrec del govern i l'administració directa de la justícia.A més de la jurisdicció baronial, el monestir de Sant Benet posseïa també la jurisdicció eclesiàstica sobre algunes parròquies de les seves rodalies. L'abat o vicari general del monestir tenia el dret de presentació de rectors en aquestes parròquies, sovint compartit amb els bisbes de les diòcesis corresponents, i feia visites pastorals per controlar que aquestes parròquies funcionessin correctament.Durant els primers decennis del segle XIX i fins a 1835, Sant Benet de Bages visqué la seva etapa final com a monestir. La vida comunitària s'anà afeblint i els seus darrers estats de comptes eren negatius. El 29 de juliol de 1835 la comunitat benedictina abandonà definitivament el monestir de Sant Benet de Bages i el monestir quedava exclaustrat i les seves possessions passaven a ser desamortitzades. L'exclaustració i la desamortització marcaven la fi de l'època montserratina a Sant Benet de Bages, però també representaven la fi definitiva de la vida monàstica. / The PhD thesis at hand seeks a diachronic reconstruction of the life pursued by the community of Benedictine monks in the Abbey of Sant Benet de Bages, starting off from the Montserratin Period till the last hours of its life.During the Montserratin Period (1593-1835), the Abbey of Sant Benet de Bages underwent a brach-and-root transformation of itself. On the one hand, the ancient buildings -including the church, the cloister, the bell tower, the wine cellar, the dining-room and the kitchen were refurbished and modernised. On the other hand, a number of new facilities were added to the extant ones: the Barroc Abbot Palace during the first half of the seventeenth century, and the dormitories of the monks during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries are the two cases in point. The Benedictine community at the Abbey of Sant Benet de Bages was made up of monks who had been previously ordained, in their entirety, by the Abbey of Monsterrat. From a socioeconomic angle, the Abbey of Sant Benet de Bages exhibited sheer uniformity in that the entire pool of monks was of upper-class ascendancy. Geographically, contrastingly, the composition of the Benedictine community appeared to be of a more fractured nature, with monks coming from a number of different territories, including the San Benito of Valladolid congregation to which the Abbeys of both Sant Benet de Bages and Montserrat pertained. Approximately half of the Montserratin monks were of Catalan origin, whilst the other half came from various regions of North Spain.The spirituality practiced at the Abbey of Sant Benet revolved around the cult of Sant Valentine martyr. From the outset the elements of worship at the church of Sant Benet of Bages were two: the relicts and the crystal of Sant Valentine martyr of unknown origin. The neighbouring villages too organized their worshipping practices around the body of Saint Valentine -the patron saint of the Bages Plain. The Abbey of Sant Benet de Bages exerted functions as a Benedictine School during the Benedictine school during the Montserratin period. The Montserratin monks had set up a School of Philosophy and Arts in Sant Benet de Bages -one of the most prominent schools of San Benito de Valladolid congregation dedicated to the teaching and schooling of the monks. During the Montserratin Period, the Abbey of Sant Benet de Bages owned extensive domains in the county of Bages, most of them located next to the Abbey -including the villages of Navarcles, Valls dels Horts, Sant Fruitós de Bages, Rocafort, Sant Martí de Torroella, Santpedor, Sant Martí de Serraïma de Maians. Scattered throughout Catalonia the Abbey also possessed domains in the villages de Les Preses, El Corb, Santa Margarida de Bianya, Castellfollit de Riubregós. Malacara, Ferran, Calonge de Segarra, Gallifa and Terrassa. The Abbey was further in possession of the territorial jurisdiction of some villages within the county of Bages. In the eighteenth century the specific villages under their jurisdiction were Navarcles, Sant Fruitós de Bages, Les Preses, Rocafort, Sant Martí de Torroella, Maians and Vall dels Horts. To be sure, the Abbey was in possession of the civil jurisdiction of these territories. Penitentiary facilities included prisons and a number of torture techniques and technologies. The abbot would appoint mayors and councillors in each village who would, in turn, take charge of the penitentiary facilities at hand and impart justice. The monastery was also in possession of the ecclesiastic jurisdiction of a number of churches in the neighbouring area. The abbot would appoint the priests and would pay visits to the churches for the surveillance of the correct practice. The beginning of the nineteenth century represented the start of the end for the Abbey of Sant Benet, when the daily life conditions worsened as a result of the poverty into which the institution fell. All in all, the monks left the Abbey in summer 1835. The government confiscated their possessions, which were sold to rise revenue. This was the end of the monastic life in Sant Benet de Bages.

No description available.

La interpretación que este trabajo hace de la obra eliotiana ve en los profetas bíblicos no sólo una fuente de inspiración o un referente de ciertas citas, sino una estética, un estilo y el tratamiento de unos temas, propios de la escritura profética. Esta tesis quiere demostrar que la estética profética es la que predomina en la obra literaria de Eliot y como ésta marca su estilo y su temática. Esta estética, siguiendo al teólogo Tillich, se entiende como la que pregona un cambio en la sociedad, una mejora colectiva que provendrá del acercamiento entre Dios y los hombres. Para ello se analizarán tanto la poesía como el teatro eliotiano, puesto que una y otro se complementan y refuerzan, confirmando y explicando las afirmaciones que se propondrán. La obra crítica del poeta también tendrá su lugar en este estudio, ya que en ella se encuentran aclaraciones pertinentes la visión que queremos transmitir. / The interpretation this thesis does of the work of Eliot sees in the biblical prophets not only a source of inspiration or the reference to certain quotations but an aesthetics, a style and a treatment of the subjects similar to that of the prophetical writings. What is meant to be stated is that the prophetic aesthetics is the one prevailing in the literary works of Eliot and that it influences its style and subjects. This aesthetics, following Tillich, is understood as the one which proclaims a change in society, a collective improvement which will come from the nearing between God and man. To study this, Eliot's poetry and theatre will be analysed, as one complements and strengthens the other, explaining the assertions which will be stated. Eliot's essays will also find their place in this study, because in them we can find explanations relevant to the view which will be asserted.

The relationships between religious entities and the public administration in Girona during the twentieth century set forth two main issues, the historical and the technical. The passage of time normally presents a change in the political regimes, of the social needs and circumstances, which normally translates in a change in the judicial arrangement, and logically in the State's Ecclesiastic Law. With regard to the technical questions one must question the nature, qualification and standardization of the relationship between the public administration and religious entities. It is also important to determine if it is possible to reconstruct the history of a system of relationships using the judicial-contractual instruments set forth by both the Public Administration and religious entities / Les relacions entre les confessions religioses i les administracions públiques a Girona durant el segle XX plantegen principalment dos tipus d'interrogants, els històrics i els tècnics. El pas del temps mostra normalment un canvi de règims polítics, de les necessitats i de les circumstàncies socials, la qual cosa sol traduir-se en un canvi en el ordenament jurídic, i lògicament en el Dret Eclesiàstic de l'Estat. Quant als interrogants tècnics és necessari preguntar-se per la naturalesa, qualificació i tipificació d'aquestes relacions entre administracions públiques i entitats religioses. Així mateix és determinant saber si és possible reconstruir la història d'unes relacions mitjançant els instruments jurídic-negocials haguts entre ambdues parts, Administració pública i confessions religioses

La intenció fonamental d’aquesta tesi és fer un estudi de la Transició de l’Església espanyola i catalana i com va influir aquesta a la Transició política que es va fer posteriorment. També s’ha de considerar que la base de l’estudi és la jerarquia eclesiàstica, sobretot la catalana entre els anys 1970-1980. Per començar, hi ha un breu resum biogràfic dels bisbes que regentaven les diferents diòcesis catalanes en els anys setanta, tot destacant el fet gairebé excepcional que tots eren de parla catalana i nascuts dins dels països catalans. A partir d’aquí es desenvolupa el tema que enclou des de l’Assemblea Conjunta fins el restabliment de la Generalitat i la seva problemàtica. El fet d’iniciar el treball d’investigació per l’Assemblea Conjunta rau en que aquí podem situar el començament de la Transició Eclesial, on es tracten temes i polèmiques que mai havia abordat l’Església dins del franquisme; igualment, com es va organitzar a Catalunya, les seves problemàtiques i els resultats. A continuació s’estudia l’impacte del document “L’Església i la comunitat política”, de molta transcendència en les relacions Església – Estat. S’ha de tenir present que el document representa l’intent de la comunitat eclesial de separar-se del poder temporal, tant relacionats fins aleshores. De la mateixa manera s’analitzen les repercussions que va tenir pel govern franquista i els intents que es van fer per arribar a impedir els seus efectes. També es fa una anàlisi de les problemàtiques internes de l’Església, de la nova llei d’educació i com es rebuda per l’Església i el procés de catalanització de la comunitat eclesial a Catalunya. La mort i posterior enterrament de Carrero Blanco va significar, per al poble en general, les males relacions entre els dirigents de l’Església i els de l’Estat, a part de que assenyalava el començament de la decadència del règim, cosa que la Conferència Episcopal tenia molt clara, i en conseqüència va prosseguir en el seus intents d’allunyar-se del poder polític. En referència al govern d’Arias Navarro, s’estudien dues qüestions, d’un banda, el cas Añoveros i de l’altre, el document sobre la reconciliació. El cas Añoveros va representar el moment de màxima tensió entre el govern i la jerarquia. S’aprofita l’ocasió per veure el ressò que va tenir a Catalunya, per la gran identificació d’un part important de l’Església catalana, amb la temàtica de la polèmica homilia del bisbe Añoveros. La reconciliació, temàtica central de l’Any Sant, va ser molt ben rebuda per la jerarquia perquè, feia temps que una part d’aquesta buscava l’entesa entre tots els espanyols, pensessin el que pensessin. Les reflexions no eren favorables al règim, però aquest ja no tenia la força suficient com per a parar les crítiques. La mort de Franco va representar l’inici de la Transició Política. Els canvis que això suposava van ser ben rebuts per l’Església amb l’excepció de petits grups nostàlgics amb el passat. En aquest apartat s’estudien les repercussions de la Reforma Política, les primeres eleccions, la Constitució i les primeres lleis, la més polèmica la del divorci. L’Església, davant aquest allau de canvis, va intentar mantenir una neutralitat absoluta, no donant suport a cap grup polític, però sí que va donar les seves orientacions sobre els aspectes morals que havien de tenir en compte els fidels. Per acabar, s’analitza tot el procés de l’autonomia catalana, les seves conseqüències dins de l’Església catalana i les seves divergències amb l’espanyola / The aim of this thesis is to study the transition period of the Spanish and Catalan Church and how it influenced the subsequent political transition. It is important to consider that the basis of this study is the ecclesiastic hierarchy, above all the Catalan hierarchy between the years 1970 and 1980. I start with a brief bibliographic summary of the bishops who held the different Catalan dioceses in the seventies, pointing out the exceptional fact that almost all of them spoke Catalan and were born in the Catalan Countries. After that, I develop the subject of the Joint Assembly (Assemblea Conjunta) and I explain the difficulties gone through to re-establish the Generalitat (the government of the autonomous community of Catalonia). I started my research work with the Joint Assembly, because it is there where we can say that the ecclesiastic transition started, since in this Assembly people dealt with subjects and controversies which had never been dealt with during the Franco period. I also explain how this Assembly was organised in Catalonia, its problems and its achievements. Next, I study the impact of the document “The Church and the Political Community”, which was very important in the relationship between the Church and the State. We have to take into account that the document represents the attempt of the ecclesiastic community to separate from the temporal political power, with which it had always been closely related. I also analyse the consequences that this transition had for the Franco government and the attempts carried out by this government to avoid its effects. In addition I do some research on the Church internal problems, the new education law and how the Church reacted to it, and the Catalanisation process in the ecclesiastic community of Catalonia. Carrero Blanco’s death and burial contributed to deteriorate the already bad relationship existing between Church and State leaders. Besides, it represented the beginning of the regime’s decline. The Episcopal Conference was well aware of this decline and therefore insisted on moving away from the political power. With reference to Arias Navarro’s government I deal with two subjects. On the one hand the Añoveros affair and on the other hand the reconciliation document. The Añoveros affair represented the highest tension moments between the government and the ecclesiastic hierarchy. This fact had a great impact in Catalonia where an important part of the Catalan Church agreed and felt identified with the subject of Añoveros’ polemic homily. The reconciliation, central subject of the Holy Year, was welcomed by the ecclesiastic hierarchy, because this one wanted all the Spanish people to come to an agreement, no matter what their ideas were. The thoughts and ideas discussed during the reconciliation process were ideas from people contrary to the political regime, but this one had no longer the strength to stop criticisms. Franco’s death and burial represented the start of the political transition. The changes that it brought about were welcomed by the Church, with the exception of some small nostalgic groups. In this part I comment the consequences of the political reform, the first elections, the Constitution (law), the first laws and among them the most polemic law: the divorce law. During all these changes, the Church was neutral and did not give support to any political parties, but it did give some advice and directions to the Catholic Christians about moral aspects. Finally, I analyse the process of the Catalan Autonomy, its consequences for the Catalan Church and the difference of opinions between the Catalan and the Spanish Church.

El presente trabajo estudia la recepción de la Biblia por parte de Jorge Luis Borges a partir del análisis de su obra completa. Se compone de tres partes. En la primera, contextual, después de perfilar la fortuna literaria del imaginario bíblico, cuestión bien estudiada en el ámbito anglosajón desde la década de 1980, se atiende brevemente al modo en que tres autores importantes para Borges Dante, Milton y Blake usaron la Escritura en su obra. En la segunda, a partir de ciertos datos biográficos, declaraciones y escritos de Borges, se trata de precisar la importancia que tuvo para él la literatura bíblica y de qué modo ésta influyó en su propia poética. En la tercera se analiza el uso literario de ciertos personajes de la Escritura por parte de Borges; el análisis revela que esos personajes encarnan de un modo paradigmático algunos de los temas centrales de su obra, como el conocimiento, la muerte, el tiempo o la identidad. / The present work studies the reception of the Bible by Jorge Luis Borges by means of the analysis of his complete work. It consists of three parts. The first one, merely contextual, outlines the literary fortune of the biblical imagery, a question that has occupied to the Anglo-Saxon criticism from the decade of 1980, and concisely attends to the way in which three important authors for Borges Dante, Milton and Blake used the Scriptures in their work. The second one attempts to specify, from the basis of certain biographical information, declarations and writings of Borges, the importance that the Biblical literature had for him and the way it influenced his own poetics. The third one analyzes the literary use of certain characters of the Scriptures by Borges; the analysis reveals that these characters personify in a paradigmatic way some of the central topics of his work, as knowledge, death, time or identity.

Submitted by Rangel Sousa Jamile Kelly (jamile.kelly@ufba.br) on 2012-06-30T13:22:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissertaçãoBete versão final - 26-11-09.pdf: 674297 bytes, checksum: 66987da798cb8473056c1131f8e9647b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-06-30T13:22:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissertaçãoBete versão final - 26-11-09.pdf: 674297 bytes, checksum: 66987da798cb8473056c1131f8e9647b (MD5) / Esta dissertação analisa o tratamento das questões de gênero na disciplina Ensino Religioso em instituições confessionais de ensino – católicas e protestantes –de Salvador. Através da categoria analítica de gênero, proposta pela Teologia Feminista, desarticula-se o conhecimento da teologia tradicional, sistematizado como conhecimento neutro, abstrato e universal, e propõe a transitoriedade do conhecimento em suas múltiplas abordagens. Nesta perspectiva, a epistéme se fundamenta a partir do cotidiano e das experiências. Tendo esses pressupostos como referência teórica, o percurso deste trabalho inclui uma discussão, histórica e analítica, sobre os conceitos de gênero, religião e ensino religioso em uma sociedade fortemente androcêntrica, tanto na prática, como no seu discurso. Foi feita, também, uma análise dos programas das disciplinas, assim como os depoimentos de quatro professores e quatro professoras de colégios de classe média sobre suas práticas pedagógicas, desenvolvidas em sala de aula. Temas como aborto, patriarcado, corpo, violência doméstica, homossexualidade e sexualidade e Bíblia, os⁄as docentes revelam as suas reações diante do posicionamento alunos⁄as, muitas vezes diferentes dos que as instituições defendem. Percebese que as questões de gênero ainda são pouco presentes em sala de aula, e a leitura tradicional dos textos bíblicos é a referência mais adotada pelos professores, para dar conta das demandas dos alunos sobre suas experiências que envolvem gênero e sexualidade. Além disso, as construções das identidades de gênero são tidas como naturais, e não produto de uma sociedade patriarcal. Admite-se, em ambas as instituições, que as mulheres mudaram, nos últimos anos, suas trajetórias de vida, ao assumir posições públicas, mas há professores protestantes que defendem que elas devem, a qualquer custo, manter suas responsabilidades familiares, como mãe e esposa. Numa análise mais geral, as instituições católicas, em comparação às protestantes, proporcionam um ambiente mais dialogal com os alunos⁄as quando da discussão dos temas propostos por esta pesquisa e, conseqüentemente, os⁄as alunos⁄as sentem-se mais livres para expressar suas opiniões, mesmo que divergentes ao pensamento da Igreja Católica. Já entre os docentes das escolas protestantes, as questões de gênero são pouco discutidas, e quando postas em discussão, a autoridade da Bíblia, tal como é compreendida pelos teólogos tradicionais, é a “última palavra.” Conclui-se que as questões de gênero em sala de aula ainda são marcadas pelas dicotomias do certo-errado, profano-sagrado, homem-mulher, corpo-espírito, com possibilidades de mudança significativa de compreensão. / Salvador

Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação Interdisciplinar em Ciências Humanas, Florianópolis, 2009. / Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-24T20:31:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 267244.pdf: 3252103 bytes, checksum: 6460bbdfd18eab6559bf63bbbdae55d0 (MD5) / O neopentecostalismo é o movimento religioso brasileiro de maior expressão na alta modernidade. As análises sociológicas realizadas sobre ele a partir da segunda metade da década de 1990 se pautam, via de regra, muito mais pelo julgamento a partir de princípios teológicos, que por uma sincera tentativa de compreender essa manifestação religiosa como uma genuína expressão da modernidade. Compreendemos o neopentecostalismo como um movimento religioso que, paralelamente, afirma a modernidade e se afirma na modernidade. Nos valendo do conceito de secularização como operador de passagem de forças transcendentes para o plano imanente, concebemos a modernidade como um período histórico que sacraliza a imanência. Nesse contexto, identificamos a política, a economia e biomedicina como terrenos privilegiados em que esse processo se materializa. A modernidade é, assim entendemos, um período em que o religioso permanece presente na esfera pública sob outras roupagens, e que se orienta por um telos de cura imanente do ser humano e do mundo. A partir desses pressupostos, sustentamos a hipótese de que o neopentecostalismo re-institucionaliza na esfera religiosa os registros da economia e da cura dos indivíduos, e localiza a salvação na tensão entre a imanência e a transcendência, dando primazia à imanência. As idéias que fundamentam esse processo se encontram nos dois principais registros teológicos neopentecostais: a teologia da guerra espiritual e a teologia da prosperidade. O corpo é o espaço atravessado pelos diferentes vetores teológicos do neopentecostalismo, e nele se realiza a salvação imanente. Dessa maneira situamos nosso objeto de estudo: a multivocalidade do corpo no registro da cura como salvação imanente no neopentecostalismo brasileiro, com o qual nos confrontamos em perspectiva interdisciplinar. Como fontes empíricas para a nossa pesquisa nos valemos tanto de procedimentos etnográficos realizados na Catedral da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD) da cidade de Florianópolis - SC, quanto da produção bibliográfica do líder da IURD, Edir Macedo, e da auto-biografia de um ex-pastor da IURD. A partir da nossa relação com o objeto, identificamos no projeto Homo Sacer do filósofo italiano Giorgio Agamben um instigante e original horizonte interpretativo para as diversas expressões do corpo no neopentecostalismo brasileiro. Constatamos que a entrada do fiel na igreja pressupõe a entrega (e a captura) da sua vida ao poder absoluto do Soberano que ali reina, e às mãos dos especialistas religiosos que governam esse espaço. O templo neopentecostal é um campo, no qual toda e qualquer intervenção sobre o corpo torna-se possível. A identificação do fiel com o corpo doutrinário neopentecostal também leva o indivíduo a sacralizar o agir com vistas à produção, a operosidade, por objetivar a glorificação de Deus. O dinheiro, enquanto potência divina imanentizada e fruto do agir produtivo, é o mais importante sacrifício que deve ser feito, mediando as relações entre o humano e o divino. Nos perguntamos, se a relação com o corpo a partir da devoção à produção e da entrega da vida a um poder absoluto de vida e morte, não podem sinalizar, no limite da subjetivação absoluta brechas para a expressão da subjetividade. Neopentecostalism is the most important brazilian religious movement of the late modernity. Sociological analysis on that religious expression produced from the second half of the 1990 decade are more frequently judgments based on theological conceptions, than attempts to comprehend it as an genuine expression of modernity. We conceive neopentecostalism as an religious movement, which reinforce modernity, as much as reinforce itself in the modernity. Using secularization concept as an operator which enable transferring forces from transcendence to immanence, we conceive modernity as a historical period that sacralize immanence. On that context, we identify politics, economics and biomedicine as most proper fields in which that process became real. Modernity is, so our understanding, as a historical period in which the religious assumed different faces and is oriented by a telos of immanent cure of the human being and the world. Based on those presupposes, we defend the hypothesis that neopentecostalism reintroduce the vectors of economics and healing of individuals in religious field, as well as localize salvation in the tension between immanence and transcendence, focusing, nevertheless, on immanence. The ideas which base that process are located in the two theological constructs: the theology of spiritual battle and the health and wealth gospel. The body is transverse by of both theologies and in it occurs the immanent salvation. So we delimitate our research object: the multiplicity of expressions of body in the brasilian pentecostalism in the process of integral cure as immanent salvation, assuming our relationship with the research object interdisciplinary. As empirical basis we use also ethnographical procedures accomplished in the International Church of God Kingdom's Cathedral (ICGK) in Florianópolis - SC, as well as the large bibliography produce by the leader of ICGK, Edir Macedo, and an autobiography of a formed pastor. Based on our confrontation with the research object, we conceive the project Homo Sacer of Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, as a instigated and original interpretation horizon for the different body expressions in brasilian neopentecostalism. We evidenced that entrance of an individual in a neopentecostal church implicates offering (and capturing) its life to absolute power of Sovereign that reigns in that place, as well to the hands of the religious agents that govern the church. Neopentecostal temple is a field, in which every intervention on body is possible. The follower identification with neopentecostal doctrinal principles leads individual to sacralize productive acting, operosity, because is oriented to glorificate God. Money, as a immanent divine power and result of productive acting, is the most important sacrifice which is to do, mediating relationship between God and the human beings. We ask ourselves, if the relationship with the body based on the devotion to production and the unconditional offer of itself to an absolute power of life and dead, could be, in the limit of total subjetivation, a gap for subjectivity.