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AbstractThis study began with the idea that the drone attacks launched by the United States on the northwest region of Pakistan since 2004 have not helped in the expressed aim of the US to win the war on terror. The study asked three main questions. It wished to discover why drone attacks in Pakistan had not helped to win the war on terror, the main reasons that these attacks have not been successful and how these attacks have led to the increase of the anti-US feeling in Pakistan. The study used a case study methodology that focused on gaining a qualitative insight from a range of perspectives including official government stances, the reaction of media and social media and the public reactions in Pakistan. The study analysis is supported by the theory of neoliberalism and neo realism as it deemed the most appropriate in this type of work.Conducted within the neoliberal and positivist perspective, the study concluded that the drone strikes have not helped to win the war on terror and that they are actually a major part of why this victory has not yet occurred. The cold-hearted manner with which the US seem to launch drone strike attacks have led to the development of the views that the US does not care for international laws and has no desire to take Pakistan sovereignty into account. The role of the media has helped spread the anti-US feeling far more rapidly than would have been previously possible in the region. The access to the Internet, the use of social media websites and the global coverage of the situation means that reports of civilian casualties has been a common occurrence over the past 10 years, and this has seemingly strengthened the terrorist resolve, turned the public against the US strategy and also led in some cases to the further radicalization of the Pakistani youth. When assessed through a neoliberal perspective, it was apparent that the strategy does not fit with the concept of international co-operation and that the actions of the US have led to the growth of anti-US sentiment. The main failing of the drone strike strategy could be said to be the fact that it was devised using a neorealist attitude in an increasingly neoliberal global society. The study also presented a number of policy recommendations and future areas of study based on the findings from this work.

No / As the ‘War on Terror’ evolves into the ‘Long War’ against Islamo-fascism, it demands an enduring commitment to ensuring the security of the United States and its allies. This policy is based on the requirement to maintain control in a fractured and unpredictable global environment, while paying little attention to the underlying issues that lead to insecurity. It is an approach that is manifestly failing, as the continuing problems in Afghanistan and Iraq demonstrate. Moreover, ‘control’ implies the maintenance of a global order that focuses on power remaining in the hands of a transnational elite community, principally focused on North America and Western Europe, but extending worldwide. This elite largely ignores socio-economic divisions and environmental constraints, and sees continuing stability as being best achieved by the maintenance of the status quo, using force when necessary. This collection of essays by Professor Paul Rogers argues that this post-Cold War security paradigm is fundamentally misguided and unsustainable. It concludes with two new essays on the need for a new conception of global security rooted in justice and emancipation. Global Security and the War on Terror will be essential reading for students and scholars of security studies, the Cold War, international relations and development studies.

Past research has shown that mortality salience increases desire for offspring. Additionally, past studies have illustrated that women in a high fertility phase within a menstrual cycle show greater preference for masculine faces while performing facial judgment tasks than do women in a low fertility phase or women using hormonal contraception. However, mortality salience has been shown to influence mate selection. The current study explored whether or not a cue related to fertility salience may produce similar outcomes to cues of mortality salience observed in past studies. In partial replication of a study conducted by Vaughn, Bradley, Byrd-Craven, and Kennison (2010), the current study included 151 heterosexual female participants who self-identified as falling within cyclical high fertility or low fertility categories, or who reported using hormonal contraception. These participants were randomly assigned to either a control condition, a mortality salience condition, or a fertility salience condition and then instructed to judge images of male faces provided by Re, DeBruine, Jones, and Perrett (2013). Participants rated faces in categories of attractiveness, dominance, and health. The study predicted significant interaction effects of salience condition and fertility status on opposite sex facial perceptions. Additionally, participants were asked about procreation preferences. No effects of mortality salience or fertility salience were observed in regard to opposite sex facial perceptions, number of children desired, or preferred age for having a first child. Thus, the current research does not provide support that the fertility salience cue used in the study influences opposite sex perceptions or procreation preferences. / Master of Arts

The events of 9-11 caused the US military to deploy across the globe in support of the Global War on Terror (GWoT) with the assurance it would receive the resources needed to fulfill those operations. As a subordinate arm of the government, the US military is entrusted to prosecute the policies of its civilian leadership provided they receive the required resources to do so. As this thesis demonstrates however, the military is struggling to reconcile how to deliver the goals of its civilian administration when it simultaneously fails to receive the resources needed to meet their demands. The Department of Defense (DoD) is experiencing a stark increase in its deployments and combat operations. Unprecedented 'peacetime' use of Reserve and Guard forces and remarkable DoD personnel policies have stretched the military thin. Despite substantial military budget increases, the military fails to receive adequate funding for combat operations. Meanwhile, soldiers fail to receive the appropriate equipment needed to fight the emerging threats of the GWoT. The military continues to thin many of its own operations, increase the stress on its members, and over-work its equipment in order to meet the needs of its civilian government. Three solutions exist: maintain the status quo, reduce the scope of the GWoT, or begin military funding on par with past wartime budgets. The status quo produced an overstretched/underfunded military. Threats to US security can not support a reduced GWoT. Therefore, the US should increase DoD end strength, increase GWoT funding, and accelerate weapons research and procurement. / Master of Arts

This pre-test, post- test experiment examined the effects of mortality salience, frames of the military and military personnel, and regulatory focus on viewer attitudes toward the military, support for the military, and their perceptions of military personnel's criminal behavior. Participants viewed a short video clip from an episode of NCIS which contained either a sympathetic or non-sympathetic frame of the military and, in the treatment condition, a mortality salience reminder. Frame (sympathetic or non-sympathetic) had a significant effect on participant attitudes toward the military in the control condition when there was no mortality salience reminder present in the video clip. However, when participants' mortality was made salient, attitudes and support for the military did not change. Theoretical and practical implications and suggestions for future research are discussed. / Master of Arts

The lack of a consistent theoretical framework for understanding the social context in which terrorist organizations emerge and operate stifles the systematic study of terrorism and inhibits the ability of the social sciences to influence international policy. To address this limitation, the present study begins by defining terrorism, and the related phenomena of terror, terrorist, and terrorist organization. As classification is necessary for any scientific investigation, typologies of terrorism currently found in the academic literature are reviewed next. Finally, a criminological framework is applied to the study of terrorist organizations and the environments in which they operate. The primary purpose of the present investigation is to determine whether a classic criminological theory, social disorganization theory, can be applied to the study of terrorist organizations. Drawing from several cross-national data sources, this study operationalizes Shaw and McKay's (1942; 1969) original measures of social disorganization, residential stability, ethnic heterogeneity, and socioeconomic status, at the macro-level of the nation-state. A curvilinear relationship between measures of social disorganization and the hosting of terrorist organizations in each nation-state is predicted. That is, terrorist organizations are expected to require some degree of social organization to operate but, beyond a certain point, social organization is predicted to have an inhibitive effect on the functioning of these organizations, as strong institutions emerge to control this and other forms of collective violence. / Master of Science