El Exorcista, una película del género de terror dirigida por William Friedkin en 1973, no solo es un clásico del género; también es un referente para el cine de horror realizado después. Ello se debe a su tratamiento de asuntos que resultaban inéditos para el género, como la sexualidad infantil, y a las características de la representación del proceso de transformación física de una niña poseída, así como al diseño de su banda sonora y de todos sus componentes: la palabra, los ruidos o efectos sonoros, las atmósferas creadas con ellos, la música y el silencio. Todos ellos se orientan a la creación de un clima de horror visceral, donde el miedo provocado por el género convive con el disgusto, el asco y la repulsión causados por los elementos de la representación fílmica. Este artículo describe e interpreta la singularidad de ese tratamiento sonoro de El Exorcista, apuntando aquello que ha resultado influyente en el curso de la historia del género de terror. / The Exorcist, a film of horror genre directed by William Friedkin in 1973, is not only a classic of the genre; it is also a reference to horror films made later. This is due to its treatment of issues that were unprecedented for the genre, such as infantile sexuality, and the characteristics of the representation of the process of physical transformation of a possessed girl, and the design of the soundtrack and all its components: voice, sound effects, atmospheres created with them, music and silence. They are aimed at creating a climate of visceral horror, where fear caused by gender coexists with disgust, repugnance and repulsion caused by the elements of filmic representation. This article describes and interprets the uniqueness of the sound treatment of The Exorcist, pointing what has been influential in the course of the history of the horror genre. / Trabajo de investigación

Abstract The purpose of this study is to investigate how USA justified the military intervention of Iraq 2003 by using an idea analytical method. The source material consists of speeches led by President George W. Bush in regard to the 9/11 terror attacks and Iraq between the years 2001 and 2003. Quotes have been categorized by using reality judgment, value judgment and regulation of action to analyze how the intervention was justified. The central question this study aim to answer is: what factors and aspects can be analyzed in Gorge W. Bush’s speeches that justified the intervention in Iraq? Results concludes factors that explain how the United States justifies the intervention of Iraq are thus, the possible security policy threats that could arise in the future as a consequence of an ignored Iraq. The decision was communicated in aspects of good values ​​and altruistic reasons. The combination of the factors and aspects above, mediated by George W. Bush to justify the final course of action: military intervention in Iraq. The conclusion is that the Bush doctrine was primarily a doctrine of security and secondly a doctrine of ideology.

Ce travail s’appuie sur les études culturelles et historiques, la géopolitique, la narratologie, et la sémiologie de l’image pour étudier la guerre contre le terrorisme et ses représentations dans les séries télévisées américaines "24 heures chrono" et "Homeland". Produites à dix ans d’intervalle, ces deux fictions majeures de l’après-11 Septembre ont souvent été mises en opposition du fait de leur idéologie supposée, dans la lignée de la présidence républicaine de George W. Bush pour la première, de la présidence démocrate de Barack Obama pour la seconde. Cependant, l’on trouve de nombreuses ressemblances qui tendent non seulement à rapprocher "24" et "Homeland", mais également les présidences Bush et Obama. Notre travail consistera ainsi à mettre au jour l’ambivalence politique des deux programmes afin de s’interroger plus généralement sur les ruptures et les continuités de cette guerre mondiale contre le terrorisme que les États-Unis mènent depuis bientôt deux décennies. / This work uses cultural and historical studies, geopolitics, narratology, and visual semiotics to analyse the representations of the War on Terror in "24" and "Homeland", two emblematic post-9/11 American television series. These shows, which started airing almost a decade apart, have often been opposed to each other because of their presumed ideologies. Both dealing with the War on Terror, "24" has been said to reflect the conservatism of the Bush years, while "Homeland" would correspond to Obama’s liberal presidency. However, upon closer examination, many similarities can be found – which would not only bridge "24" and "Homeland", but also George W. Bush and Barack Obama’s presidencies. This work thus aims to deconstruct the preconceptions surrounding the two series by exploring their political ambivalence in order to question the ruptures and continuities in the global War on Terror which the United States has been conducting for almost twenty years now.

Esta investigación se ha formulado para analizar los cambios y continuidades del gore en éste siglo en comparación con el gore del siglo XX desde la perspectiva estética, es decir desde la dirección de arte con el apoyo de la dirección de fotografía. Se plantea como objetivo general el analizar comparativamente la estética de la película Zombi de George Romero (1978) con su remake, El amanecer de los muertos de Zack Snyder (2004), para identificar los cambios y continuidades en términos de transgresión o exacerbación de los sentidos y verificar si el remake mantiene la propuesta inicial del autor o se ha reorientado para hacerlo comercial. Se parte de la hipótesis de que el cine gore del siglo XXI ha cambiado sus características estéticas para hacerlo más atractivo a la audiencia y por ende más comercial, a diferencia del cine de explotación que solía ser. Se realizó una investigación cualitativa, con una metodología basada en el diseño descriptivo, no experimental. Se utilizaron como herramientas de medición guías de observación que incluyeron variables seleccionadas como necesarias para analizar la estética de las películas seleccionadas. Se analizaron diversas películas gore pertenecientes al siglo XX y de la primera década del presente siglo con la finalidad de definir las características del gore auténtico y el gore de la actualidad tanto comercial como independiente y así contar con criterios objetivos para comparar estas características con las de las unidades de observación propuestas. Los resultados demuestran que los elementos gore auténticos como la violencia, la abundancia de sangre, las mutilaciones grotescas mostradas en detalle con movimientos de cámara lentos y en primer plano se observan claramente en la película Zombi de Romero, mientras que los mismos elementos no parecen ser primordiales en El amanecer de los muertos, y lo que se destaca más es la acción, los movimientos de cámara rápidos, no se detiene en los detalles y se priorizan la actuación de los actores; utilizan mejor tecnología pero no se muestra la crudeza, ni lo grotesco del gore clásico, por lo que se concluye que, en este caso, los elementos gore en la actualidad se han reorientado para mostrarlos menos grotescos como suelen mostrarse en las películas comerciales.

The nature of capital punishment cases makes mortality a highly salient factor during trial proceedings. Previous research has explored the effect of mortality salience on human’s decision making in a legal context. This study extends this vein of research by examining the role death plays in jurors’ psychological processes when sentencing a defendant who is severely mentally ill in a capital trial. The current experiment measured mock jurors’ (n=169) and college students’, n=116) Mental Illness Worldview (MIWV), and then experimentally manipulated type of mortality salience (dual-focused: mock jurors who were specifically asked to contemplate their own mortality and were exposed to trial-related death references vs. trial focused: only exposed to death references) and the type of defendant (severely mentally ill vs. neutral) accused of a capital offense. We found that mock jurors perceived mental illness to be a mitigating factor when dual (i.e., self) focused mortality salience was induced, whereas participants only exposed to trial-related death references considered mental illness to be an important aggravating factor in sentencing.

This dissertation explores the relationship between gender, war, and media constructions of both. Using the theoretical frameworks of the social constructions of gender and the gendered constructions of the public sphere, I have analyzed how Time magazine portrayed Condoleezza Rice and Hillary Clinton in discussions of war. Time represents mainstream mediated coverage in this case. Rice and Clinton represent women outside the normal boundaries of femininity. First, they were participants in the public sphere, which is largely male-dominated in our society. Second, both women were involved in discussions of war and foreign policy. Their participation in this area of the public sphere is a contradiction to how society expects women to act during war time. The most interesting conclusion is the way the women are linked back to the private sphere through their relationships with men. These representations align with historical theoretical definitions of the public sphere, which favor male participation and often disregard female participation. / text

This dissertation argues that Black mothering is the re-creation of Black sociability in the African Diaspora in the face of the ways in which genocide attempts to eliminate black existence. Therefore, I argue for an approach to African Diaspora as creating, nurturing, resisting, and recuperative acts as an alternative to genocidal practices, which constitutes black mothering. Concerning genocidal practices, this dissertation focuses mainly on anti-black violence, specifically male-on-male and state-sponsored violence; although with an understanding that genocide also manifests itself through many other ways. The choice to focus on male-on-male and state violence is because I understand them as being the ultimate alternative to put forward genocidal ideologies when others fail. Thus, understanding the violent killing of the black population as the most visible expression of genocide in the African Diaspora, I want to confront them with their alternative, which is the given social, cultural, and biological significance of motherhood, i.e., to generate and nurture life. Therefore, my ethnographic project explores Black mothers’ experiences of violence in Rio de Janeiro’s poorest areas. Their struggle to survive encompasses not only their own fight against poverty, racism, patriarchy, and gender discrimination but also entails the consequences of violent acts perpetrated or facilitated by the state upon their families. Engaging with the analytical concept of Outraged Mothering, this dissertation builds bridges between African Diaspora Studies and the Anthropology of Emotions by applying a Black Feminist perspective in order to perceive Black mothers’ social-political insertion in society as well as their pedagogies of resistance. My research methods include participant observation, semi-structured interviews, oral histories, and documentary photography conducted in an extended period of seventeen months of fieldwork research between 2011 and 2012. This project embraces activism as a learning experience in the collaboration with the mothers in struggle, and employs auto-ethnography as a way to think critically through the researcher’s emotions while conducting and writing the project. This project aims to enhance developing literature on Black motherhood in Brazil and explores Black lives in the African Diaspora through an analytical framework that presents emotion as a catalytic stimulus for the rise of radical political projects. / text

The United States has maintained a heavy military presence in Afghanistan for a little more than a decade however; the US has been involved in Afghanistan on and off for over three decades. The 2001 ‘war on terror’ in Afghanistan became framed around the goal of saving Afghan women. In order to understand how this framing came about and what the impact of this framing was I study US congressional documents, speeches and other public rhetoric by government officials in the 1980s and early 2000s. Analyzing rhetorical language and reoccurring themes helps us understand what major framing devices and narrative techniques were in play during these time periods. Ultimately I conclude that women’s safety was a post-facto justification for intervention; the framing techniques used during the 2001 were utilized in order to create a clear, coherent narrative that selectively ignores the impact of US involvement in Afghanistan during the Cold War.

CHDS State/Local / The state of Utah, like all states and the federal government, has had a long-standing need to improve communication capacity in its emergency response and public safety system. As government entities strive to meet this priority in the National Strategy for Homeland Security, it is crucial that communication systems be interoperable. Ironically, the groundwork for establishing an interoperable communication system nationwide is dependent upon effective human communication and coordination among policy makers, homeland security professionals, first responders and technologists. Accurate and complete information, in the right hands at the right time, can prevent, deter or mitigate a terror event or other mass casualty event. As hosts of the 2002 Winter Olympics, Utah understood that communication was critical to incident command and control and created a world-class 800 MHz communication system to support that mission. Since the 2002 Winter Olympics, with the leadership of former Governor Olene S. Walker and hard work and dedication from multiple agencies, Utah has developed that basic Olympic communications blueprint into the Utah Wireless Integrated Network (UWIN). It is the nationâ s first statewide, interoperable, wireless voice and data network and it is used every day by Utahâ s public safety professionals. / Executive Director, Utah Department of Administrative Services

The media conflates and distorts in its coverage on the war on terror- simultaneously misrepresenting and constructing the political and historically complex conflict between the Middle East and the West. Due to the current social-political climate of increasing xenophobia and the normalisation of Islamophobia, this study attempts to expand previous studies conducted on the media in relation to the war on terror. This is a comparative quantitative analysis of media framing between a Western news source and an Arab news source, examining their coverage of the November 2015 Paris attack and the March 20th Sana’a, Yemen attack. The findings revealed a deep complexity and intertwining of the media and its representation on the war on terror: the U.S. news source engaged more so in forms of biased framing of when covering the Paris attack and held a Western gaze of superiority when covering the Yemen attack, while the Arab news source proved to be overall less biased but was found to be susceptible to Westernisation.